Теория Рекламы :: RE: Общая Теория Рекламы: «Дураки» и «Дороги».

10.11.2024 04:51

Автор: Dimitriy
Добавлено: 10.11.2024 4:51 (GMT 3)

«Дураки» и «Дороги»: « очевидное невероятное ».

Что бы понять, Почему и Как демократы проиграли выборы, было бы справедливым обратить внимание на материалы в которых они перечисляют свои основные задачи на будущее.

И хотя сейчас таких статей немного, надо полагать, в самом ближайшем будущем, этот недостаток будет исправлен с избытком.

Воспользуемся пока частным мнение, ибо большинство доступных редакционных мнений, грешат немалым идиотизмом.

Материал публикуем с сокращениями…

Цитата:

Opinion. What should the Democrats do now?
Eight columnists on how the opposition party should adapt after losing to Donald Trump — again.

Vice President Kamala Harris phone banks in D.C. on Tuesday. (Demetrius Freeman/The Washington Post)

...
Charles Lane: Listen to the majority

Democrats need to a) learn and b) think. The main thing they need to learn from is the popular vote. Despite lacking constitutional significance, it is the most impressive result of Tuesday’s election. President-elect Donald Trump is on track to be the first Republican presidential candidate to get more votes than the Democratic candidate since George W. Bush in 2004. He could well equal Bush’s achievement of an absolute majority. The voters have delivered this verdict despite being told relentlessly, by Democrats and allied media personalities, that Trump is unfit, a liar, crazy, dangerous, racist, a misogynist, a Russian agent, a felon and a fascist. It didn’t matter, politically, how much truth there is in this message. A critical mass of the American people — maybe even most of them — have repudiated it.
Trump is now significantly stronger politically than he was before being impeached twice, indicted four times and convicted once.
What should this make Democrats think? Not, one hopes, that the people have proved themselves unworthy of self-government. Alas, some are already indulging this interpretation, much like the East German official in Bertolt Brecht’s poem “The Solution,” who informed a restive citizenry that they “had forfeited the confidence of the government and could win it back only by redoubled efforts.” As Brecht sardonically noted, “Would it not be easier in that case for the government to dissolve the people and elect another?”
Democrats have been acting like the proverbial American tourist in France, trying to get their point across by shouting louder in a language only they understand. Cast out of the White House, the Senate and quite likely the House of Representatives, Democrats should stop yelling for a while and listen, really listen, to the economic and cultural concerns of ordinary people. The electorate that has just preferred Trump to Vice President Kamala Harris is the only one we have. Democrats can’t dissolve it and elect another; and without its support, resistance is futile.

Eugene Robinson: Focus on upward mobility
The math is dispositive about what the Democratic Party needs to do. A bit more than 60 percent of U.S. adults do not have a college degree. According to exit polls, 56 percent of these noncollege voters chose Donald Trump over Kamala Harris. So if Democrats want to build a durable majority, they have to find a way to reconnect with blue-collar Americans — not just White voters but also Hispanic, who fled to the GOP on Tuesday in numbers Democrats should find alarming.
The theme of the Democrats’ appeal should be the promise of upward mobility. The policy agenda would flow from that: alleviating the housing crisis, jump-starting small businesses, safer streets, better schools, more affordable college tuition for your kids. Harris talked about these ideas. Her biggest problem was Trump’s generational talent for making blue-collar voters believe he sees them, hears them and is on their side (even if his policies are not).
Four years from now, assuming the Constitution survives, Trump will be out of the picture. The GOP will own whatever happens between now and then on immigration, abortion and social issues such as transgender rights. The opportunity will be there for the right Democratic messenger to win blue-collar voters back.

Karen Tumulty: Win back Latinos
One place to start is with Latinos.
The flight of Hispanic voters from their traditional home in the Democratic Party should be recognized as a blaring warning siren. Exit polls showed 46 percent of them voted for former president Donald Trump; the former president won 55 percent of Latino men. He swept 14 out of 18 counties along the Texas-Mexico border, doubling his 2020 performance in those historically Democratic strongholds. Trump bested even the numbers won by Texan George W. Bush in 2004.
Hispanics by and large shrugged off the offensive language that Trump and his supporters used, including the late-breaking “floating island of garbage” joke that so many Democrats were convinced would be fatal.
What they listened for, and never heard from Democrats, was a recognition of what was going on in their own lives — and a persuasive argument for how Vice President Kamala Harris and her party would make their circumstances better. Instead, they saw Democrats denying that there was chaos at the border, enforcing prolonged shutdowns during the pandemic that devastated their livelihoods and spending so excessively that it ignited inflation.
So spare them prissy labels such as “Latinx.” Recognize that many are socially conservative. They are less moved by abortion rights, LGBTQ+ issues and social justice arguments. As Danny Ortega, an Arizona Democratic activist told Tim Alberta in the Atlantic: “They may think Republicans are racist, but some of them are going to vote for the Republicans anyway, because they’re better on the economy, better on small business, better on regulation.”
Yet this rapidly growing segment of the electorate can be won back. Democrats could start by paying closer attention to what Latino voters are saying, the realities they are living. And when Trump’s grandiose promises fail to deliver much besides chaos — as they will — Democrats should be ready with a set of economic solutions that actually work.

Karen Attiah: Start over
While former president Donald Trump’s victory indicates a shift in America, the right didn’t win everywhere. A number of progressive ballot measures, including in red states, passed across the country: raising minimum wage, increasing sick leave and reinforcing access to abortion.
I am not terribly optimistic for the Democratic Party — which now feels lost to sea. The arrogant gamble to toss aside progressives, young people, and Arab, Muslim, Palestinian and Lebanese constituencies angry over U.S. support for Israel’s bombardment of Gaza fractured the Democratic base. The party will have to shake the perception that the people shouting about saving democracy are members of a party that people increasingly feel is beholden more to big-money interests and out-of-touch consultants than to its own voters — particularly when it comes to the economy. How can a party talk about democracy while alienating its base and talking down to voters? If they can’t get it right for 2026, honestly, tear the party down and start from scratch.
For those looking to sell books on authoritarianism, this will be an opportune time. I’m optimistic for people who are interested in other ways of building grass-roots power. Community building will be really important. We must continue to help the most marginalized and to regain social trust.
I hope that this will be a time for reflection for the Democrats. Defeat carries deep and powerful lessons, if we are willing to look.

Perry Bacon Jr.: Protect immigrants and trans people
I’m already seeing comments from Democratic members of Congress saying the party needs to distance itself from transgender Americans. I’m very worried the second Trump administration is going to demonize college professors and students, transgender people and undocumented immigrants in particular — and that Democratic politicians are going to go along with it (or not object much), thinking it will electorally help the party.
That’s not the right moral stance. And I don’t think it’s politically savvy either. The Democrats had some of their best recent electoral performances in 2018 and 2020, when they consistently attacked former president Donald Trump for being anti-immigrant and embraced the protest movement after George Floyd was killed. The governors who won in 2022 and 2023 in purple and red states, such as Kentucky’s Andy Beshear, opposed anti-trans legislation pushed by Republicans.
In contrast, look at what Vice President Kamala Harris did in this campaign. She walked away from many of her pro-immigrant stances, bragged about owning a gun and refused to attack Trump’s mass deportation plans. She lost resoundingly — while also saying a bunch of things I doubt she really believes.
Democrats are never going to outdo the Republicans in terms of being mean to minorities. Rather than moving to the right on social issues, they should focus on economic ideas that actually resonate with people. Most people don’t run or aspire to run a small business. So it was strange that one of the few economic ideas that Harris harped on was a small-business tax deduction.
Trump is telling a compelling story with a clear villain — essentially, “Hardworking Americans are paying taxes and having that money go to services for illegal immigrants.” Democrats need their own story — something like, “You can have good health care and a steady job and not pay exorbitant prices for groceries and child care if we start making the billionaires pay their fair share and stop allowing them to take all of the profits from your hard work.”

Matt Bai: Leave Washington
Here’s a bit of political arcana: It has now been 28 years since Democrats last nominated a presidential candidate who hadn’t first served in the U.S. Senate. In the past 60 years, only four Democrats have won the office. Two of them (Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton) were governors who won by campaigning against the system, and another, Barack Obama, ran as an outsider who had barely served in Washington. The other is Joe Biden, who won at an extraordinary moment, mid-pandemic.
Democrats have become an entirely Washington-centric party that celebrates its legislators. I don’t know exactly how Democrats rebound and rebrand in the second Trump era. But the party has to look away from Washington and get back to the states, where most successful reform movements have been born. Sure, it’s harder in these celebrity-obsessed times to get a hearing as a relative unknown, the way Carter and Clinton once did. But Pete Buttigieg showed that it can still be done — if you have talent and a story to tell.
If I were a younger, ambitious Democratic governor who thought I understood where the country was going, I’d hit the road and start making my case before President-elect Donald Trump had finished unpacking his boxes. Outsider movements win. Washington parties don’t.

Theodore R. Johnson: Compromise — then win
President-elect Donald Trump is not returning to Washington with a conservative policy agenda but rather one of rapid and regressive change. And his election does not resolve the recent infighting among congressional Republicans or prevent the coming power struggle between the party’s factions. So, Democrats’ first order of business must be to assemble a governing coalition — even if they are in the House minority — to ensure the business of the country doesn’t stall out with partisan stalemates. They’ll need to be opportunistic in partnering with reasonable Republicans to modulate the administration’s worst impulses.
Their second order of business is finding a new winning electoral coalition. The Obama formula for victory — one that Biden successfully revitalized — was high-turnout elections coupled with lopsided multiracial support: upward of 90 percent of Black voters and more than two-thirds of those who are Latino, Asian or from another ethnic minority group.
That approach, which suggested racial demography was destiny, seems to have unraveled. Trump rebuilt George W. Bush’s winning coalition in 2004 by capitalizing on a set of cultural and economic grievances shared by people across races. But his solution is laden with intolerance, and it comes with threats of state violence. Democrats will have to show how progressive policies on immigration and the economy offer fairness and efficiency without MAGA’s room for despotism.

E.J. Dionne Jr.: Take a breath

Then the Democratic Party needs to start with these problems:
1. The Biden administration’s policies were focused on uplifting noncollege voters in red states. None of this seemed to penetrate. Why? Was it because the benefits of investment programs take a long time to be clear? Or was it bad salesmanship? Or was it because prices so dominated public thinking that none of this got through?
2. We know there is great diversity in the Latino community, particularly big differences between men and women and between evangelical and non-evangelical Latinos. Don’t be so shocked by what happened. George W. Bush got 40 percent to 45 percent of the Latino vote. What brought so many Latinos back to the GOP?
3. Fight Donald Trump’s abuses with everything in your arsenal. But figure out why even a share of voters who saw him as extreme voted for him anyway. How can the dangers the former president poses be made more concrete for more people?
4. Have a conversation on culture wars that is animated by an insistence that the party will not sell out women, LGBTQ+ people and people of color as well as by a desire to use language and arguments that are congenial to middle-of-the-road voters. This also means thinking more deeply about the role of religion in shaping political views.
5. Don’t get obsessed by categories such as “center” or “left.” Most voters don’t think that way. You shouldn’t, either.

Материал полностью.

Замечательный пример!

Демократическая партия США и её избиратели ничего не поняли!

Подобно известной «притче о генералах и войне» они собираются готовиться к выборам, которые уже состоялись.

К выборам, которые они проиграли именно по тому, что действовали по рецепту выборов прошлых, которых они не выигрывали, но успешно фальсифицировали.

Поведение демократической партии США напоминает а.п. поведение партийной номенклатуры СССР конца 80-х годов прошлого века, когда и где между политикой партии и реальным положением дел зияла огромная пропасть, на которую партийные функционеры старались не обращать никакого внимания.

Мы разбирали эту Модель много раз.
Либеральное преобладание ЕСО>ИСО, господствующее последнюю половину тысячелетия подошло к концу и маятник преобладания качнулся в другую сторону.

Поскольку СССР был ИСО>ЕСО, а США ЕСО>ИСО, он рухнул первым.
США присвоили себе чужую заслугу и тридцать лет твердили, что сокрушили СССР.

Россия сперва верила, а потом перестала и прошла своим Путем.
А США поверив в собственную ложь остались на том же месте.

Собственно история России и США повторилась с демократами и Трампом.
Республиканцы тоже сначала поверили, что Трамп проиграл, а потом перестали и прошли своим путем под его руководством.
А демократы, как прежде с СССР, остались на том же месте, что и были.

В этом суть того, что произошло.

США демократов существуют только в их воображении.
США республиканцев ушли давно и далеко назад.

Демократическая партия США, как партийная номенклатура СССР в конце 80-х, уже давно и безнадёжно висит «на кисточке».

Как понятно, пробуждение демократической составляющей США будет тяжёлым и возможно кровавым.

И не все демократы захотят/смогут его принять.

Цитата:

Democratic Governors prepare to fight Trump: 'You come through me'
Источник видео.

P.S.
По скромному мнению а.п. отношение демократов к мигрантам подобно отношению южан к рабам: те же аргументы, те же доводы.
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С пониманием и отраслевыми пожеланиями, Dimitriy.