Controversy ensues in Mongolia after the government lifts the ban on springtime horse racing 

Child jockeys will now have to race in freezing cold and on slippery roads

Originally published on Global Voices

On January 29, the Mongolian government lifted the springtime horse racing ban prohibiting the holding of races between November 1 and May 1. The ban has been in place since 2019.

Between 2017 and 2018, Mongolia’s Supreme Court issued two rulings that put an end to the government sanctioned biggest springtime horse race, called Dunjingariv, and banned the training of children jockeys for winter and spring horse races. This in turn forced the government to issue a decree banning all winter and spring horse races.

The government has now allowed the holding of horse races starting from March 1, though wintertime races are still banned. The country’s vice prime minister S. Amarsaikhan announced this decision and noted that “the authority and responsibility for organizing” spring horse races will be handed over to local authorities.

Here is a Facebook video with the statement from the vice prime minister S. Amarsaikhan on lifting the ban on springtime horse racing.

It came after the protest by the Mongolian horsemen, who arrived at the main Sukhbaatar square in the capital Ulaanbaatar on January 25 riding their horses. They demanded the lifting of the ban, arguing that it would create favorable conditions to protect and celebrate the nation’s cultural heritage and traditions.

Here is a Facebook post with the photos from the protest organized by Mongolian horsemen on January 25.

Lifting the ban caused immediate controversy with opponents of the ban because of the dangers it poses for child jockeys, who are the primary affected group. In Mongolia, it is customary for boys between the ages of 5 and 13 to take part in horse races due to their small size and weight, risking their health and lives.

Deadly races and child jockeys

Between 1996 and 2024, 53 child jockeys died as the result of falling off horses and sustaining injuries. Between 2017 and 2024, a total of 3,070 children fell off horses and 16 became disabled. Organizing horse races in winter and spring months, characterized by extreme cold, snow, ice, and mud, significantly increases the chances of jockeys falling off horses and freezing their limbs and cheeks.

Here is a YouTube video about the child jockey culture in Mongolia.

The government attempted to address these issues by setting an age limit of 12 years for child jockeys to participate in springtime races. It came across cynical since it made it look as if the authorities were indifferent to the safety and wellbeing of children above this age who will participate in the tournaments.

Additionally, participating in horse races in winter and spring affects children’s studies and academic success, since they have to either miss classes or combine school with daily training and competitions. In 2024, there were 11,000 registered child jockeys, but only around 1,000 of them rode their own horses. Child jockeys receive below the minimum wage, and in the cases of 2,002 of them, it was not clear if they were paid at all, raising concerns over potential exploitation.

Here is a Facebook video in which a 14-year-old Mongolian boy tells his story of being a jockey since the second grade and regrets not attending school.

It were these harmful consequences for children that led to the ban in the first place.

Protecting equestrian heritage and traditions

Mongolian horsemen, who have fought to lift the ban since 2019, argue that the ban put the country’s heritage, equestrian traditions, and the whole industry around it at risk of disappearing. They complained that Mongolian horsemen have taken their horses, children, and skills across the border to China’s Inner Mongolia region, where they can race and showcase equestrian traditions without restrictions. They were afraid that it would eventually lead to a situation whereby China could register Mongolian equestrian traditions as its own in the UNESCO Intangible Heritage List.

Still, critics argue that preserving this cultural heritage should not come at the price of children’s lives. One of the fiercest opponents of lifting the ban is member of parliament Khurelbaataryn Baasanjargal conducted her own archival research and found out that the spring horse races emerged only at the end of the 20th century as one of the new forms of Lunar New Year celebration. According to her findings, horse races were historically held only during Naadam Festival, which were conducted between May and August.

Here is a Facebook post with photos of child jockeys participating in horse races held in winter and spring months.

Powerful lobby groups and Mongolian Squid Game

The seemingly brazen disregard for children’s best interests and lifting the ban have pushed Mongolians to explore the lobbying power of Mongolian horsemen and the vested interests of politicians in horse racing. It has been revealed that the prime minister and more than a dozen cabinet ministers own hundreds of thoroughbred horses or have a horse training background, creating a potential conflict of interest.

Here is a Facebook post with the information on the horses owned by the prime minister and other top level government officials.

The Mongolian Equestrian Federation, the main lobby group behind lifting the ban, has over 100,000 members nationwide, with influential businessmen, politicians, and high level state officials at the helm of the organization. Basaanjargal stated that the federation leveraged its influence in the 2024 parliamentary elections by brokering an agreement to exchange its members’ votes for lifting the ban, allowing the ruling Mongolian People's Party to remain in power.

Here is a Facebook post showcasing how the Mongolian Equestrian Federation is controlled by powerful businessmen and politicians.

The lifting of the ban and the upcoming restoration of springtime races, despite overwhelming evidence of its harm to children, have pushed Mongolians to label this practice as the country’s version of Squid Game. They argue that, similar to the show, in which poor and disadvantaged commoners play deadly games for the spectacle of few ultra rich individuals, vulnerable groups will continue to risk their lives for the entertainment of the country’s political and economic elites.

Written by Nurbek Bekmurzaev