Professions And Occupations Of The Jews Of Morocco – Analysis

There has been a Jewish presence in Morocco for a very long time, (1) fuelled by the arrival of Jewish refugees who were victims of persecution throughout history, as well as by the conversion of the indigenous Amazigh/Berber population. (2) From the Idrisids to the Alawites, Jews were governed by the provisions of Muslim law relating to “People of the Book” (dhimmi status). (3)

Moroccan Jews were not intruders or new immigrants.  The most recent to settle in Morocco arrived with the Moriscos from Spain -the Megorashim-, who were driven out by the Inquisition in 1492. Otherwise, all the others have been Moroccans for centuries and were in the country even before the arrival of Islam. Many of them converted, and they have all played an active part in the history of the Kingdom of Morocco from its creation by Moulay Idris 1^st (reign: 788–791) to the present day, at various levels: scientific, economic and political. They have played a significant part in the influence of the great community of territories historically linked to the Moroccan sultans, from Andalusia to Mali in the South and from Marrakech to Tunisia in the East. (4)

On this particular point Rabii El Gamrani argues: (5)

“The presence of Jews in Morocco has been linked to historical movements in the Mediterranean basin for thousands of years. In Volubilis, near Fez, archaeological digs have proved the existence of variousAmazightribes of Jewish faith that can be dated to two thousand years ago (2^ndCentury BCE). This autochthonous nucleus, theImazighen Udayen(meaning “the Amazigh of Jewish faith” in the Amazigh language), were probably Judaized following contact with the Carthaginians and the Phoenicians, and during the Roman, Byzantine, and Visigoth eras were joined by many other groups of Jews; these included theToshavim, who generally fled the persecution and intolerance of the early centuries of the Christian era and during the European Middle Ages.’’

From the Marinids (1244–1465) (6) to Mohammed VI (1999-), Jews have always played an important role with the Moroccan sultans. So much so that an expression has been coined to reflect this age-old tradition: “court Jew”. King Mohammed V, for example, chose a Jewish Minister of Post and Telecommunications, Léon Benzaquen, who was also his physician. The tradition continued during the reign of Hassan II (1961-1999), with the appointment of Serge Berdugo as head of the Ministry of Tourism and the choice of André Azoulay - a former BNP Paribas banker - as one of his main advisers. (7)

Morocco's Jewish population, made up of descendants of Amazigh/Berbers who converted to Judaism (8)  at the beginning of our era (9) and initiated a Judeo-Berber cultural substratum, (10) and descendants of Jews expelled from Spain in the late century, had begun to evolve sociologically in the second half of the 19^th century, firstly through massive urbanization, but also, from the 1860s onwards, through the influence of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, (11) heir to the Haskala, (12) the Jewish Enlightenment, (13) which opened schools first in Tétouan, then in the main Moroccan towns, with the mission of bringing French culture and education to the Jewish communities of the Maghreb, to enable them to embrace modernity as conceived by the West, while at the same time maintaining a traditional religious education for their pupils, in an acculturation process.(14)

On the eve of Morocco's independence in 1956, the Jewish community numbered around 280,000. Today, this number has fallen considerably to 3,000. Nevertheless, Moroccan Jews and their descendants remain deeply attached to their “Moroccanness” (15) and they are over one million in Israel and around the globe.

Although André Azoulay is still one of King Mohammed VI's advisers, there are no longer any ministers, political figures or senior civil servants from the Jewish community. There are at most 3,000 Moroccan Jews living in the Kingdom. This limits the profiles and recruitment opportunities, especially as young people who have grown up in Morocco leave to study in Europe or North America, and more often than not continue their careers and lives there.

Sources of livelihood

There were two types of Jewish citizens: city dwellers and villagers. City dwellers (16) were also divided into two categories: those living in coastal towns and those living in inland towns. The coastal towns were home to the major merchants, traders and shopkeepers, as well as partial craftsmen such as jewellers, bakers, house painters, tinsmiths and glaziers (which went hand in hand), beeswax and candle makers and native tailors. The women, on the other hand, did indigenous sewing at home, made buttons, spun silk and wool, and embroidered with gold and silver thread. (17)

In Morocco, Jewish individuals historically held various occupations. They played significant roles as physicians, diplomatic emissaries, and interpreters during the Saadi dynasty (1510-1659) and beyond. Additionally, many engaged in skilled crafts such as the production of gold, silver, copper, coral, animal skins, and textile handicrafts. In some cases, members of the Jewish community also entered professions like law and teaching after attending French schools. (18) They were also accomplished bankers, indeed, the idea of providing banking services started in the bazaar of the city of Sefrou in the 16^th century. Jewish well-to-do merchants gave loans to Amazigh/Berber peasants from the countryside with an interest called tale’ (ascending rate), payable in the summer. This guild of Jewish bankers was housed in a street of the bazaar, not far from the mellah, called zankat an-niyyah (the street of good intention).

All these activities occupied a large part of the population. Each guild employed an intermediary between suppliers and consumers. Thus, each merchant or trader was surrounded by appointed or independent brokers, whose role was to act as intermediaries between the seller and the buyer, especially between Arabs and Jews and vice versa. The broker could be either a buyer or a seller, or fulfil both roles at the same time. The Arabs, then, did not know how to buy or sell goods without the help of a Jewish intermediary.

Some of these brokers were wealthy and bought goods on their own account and sold them in the same way. They were well known in the country and in town. Sometimes, they themselves employed other intermediaries. The status of these brokers varied, depending on the merchandise, the clientele and the social situation, from lowly earners to rich people living lavishly. (19) 

Jewish Goldsmiths

For centuries, in cities and countryside alike, the Jewish artistic sense has flourished in Morocco: precious or non-precious metals, manuscripts, various fabrics, leather, wood, etc. On many occasions it has given birth to exceptional pieces expressing the originality and gifts of the creators of artisans. (20)

Jewelry-making has long been the specialty of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. It seems that this monopoly dates back to a very early period. In his description of Africa in the 16^th century, Leo the Africanus states that in Fez, only Jews were authorized to work precious metals (21) because for Muslims, selling gold or silver objects for more than the price of their weight in metal was considered usury, prohibited by Islam. (22)

Shai Srougo argues that the arrival of the French Protectorate and various other reasons exerted a lot of unnecessary pressure on the profession of goldsmiths: (23)

“Continued external intervention (Moroccan commercial treaties with European capitalist markets), direct competition (the import of cheap industrial products and an influx of entrepreneurs), the mechanisation of local manufacturing, the encouragement of individualism resulting in the breakdown of Jewish social cohesion and the taking over of political institutions by France (the Makhzen) and its local agent (the Muhtaseb) had all eroded the Jewish monopoly of the precious-metals industry and created an unexpected atmosphere of strong economic, political and judicial pressures on Jewish goldsmiths.”

Jewelry-making was for a long time the specialty of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. It seems that this monopoly dates back to a very ancient period. All urban jewelry and most Berber jewelry were therefore made by Jewish craftsmen until almost all of their communities left Morocco. In the southern Amazigh/Berber regions, however, there were a few groups of Muslim jeweler artisans; this was the case around Tiznit and Tafraout, where they coexisted with the Jewish jewelers who were numerous in certain villages, such as Tahala. (24) In the center of the Anti-Atlas, the work of the Muslim craftsmen of Tagmoute was once very famous, but this activity had already practically ceased in the middle of the 20^th century for unexplained reasons. (25)

In the other rural regions of Morocco, the inhabitants obtained their supplies from jewelers living in Jewish hamlets, the mellahs, scattered throughout the territory, mainly along the communication routes. These jewelers made the adornments of the surrounding tribes, according to processes and forms adopted by each group, from time immemorial. (26)

Silver was the characteristic metal of Amazigh/Berber jewelry, its white color was considered beneficial. To the north of the Atlas, in the interior and southeast of this massif up to the Draa Valley, the techniques were simple. Silver was cast for jewelry that had to be robust, bracelets and brooches. (27)

On the nature of Moroccan Jewish jewlery, Souaad Elkoutbia writes: (28)

“We have developed our matter according to three axis of investigation: - a philological study, the first part, bearing on a special glossary which has been conveyed by Moroccan goldsmiths since the seventeenth century. This analysis based on Hebraic sources (taccanot) imposed the idea that Jewish jewellers of Spanish origin, who have been arriving in Morocco by successive waves since the fifth century, played a determinant part in the artisan techniques as well as in the spread of a professional vocabulary within an Arabic language circle. - a historical study, the second part, which recalls one thousand years of Jewish participation to this crafstmanship. We have exploited historical documents available for this period, namely juridical and literary ones, and have been able to demonstrate that requirements and compulsions proper to Israelite jeweller 's trade have held Israelites tight to the most prosperous mining sites. Around them, the production and distribution areas of these minerals, which became the centers of a dynamical elaboration of precious metals, were radiant. - a symbolical study, at last, which confirms the conclusions of the two previous chapters. It analyses certain motifs of Jewish origin of this artisan goldsmith's trade, then compare three treaties relating to magical sciences currently used in medieval Morocco: the book of mysteries, the book of razi'elangel, the sun initiates.”

The head or chest adornments included thin pendants in planed and engraved silver. Among the Imerhane and the Aït Ouaouzguit, the filigree technique has been used for a very long time to decorate jewelry. In the central and western Anti-Atlas, as well as in Tiznit on the coastal plain, jewelry production was considerable; it was characterized by the often-simultaneous use on the same set of two techniques, niello and the application of cloisonné enamels.

Urban jewelry differs from Amazigh/Berber jewelry in the shapes of the models and in many particularities of its execution. In the cities of the North of the country, and mainly in Fez, Meknes and Tetouan, jewelry of yesteryear, in the wealthy classes, was made of gold or at least gilded silver, and frequently decorated with precious stones or baroque pearls. The techniques most used in the cities were openwork cutting and chasing. (29)

It should be remembered that the craftsmen who worked precious metals did not limit themselves to the production of jewelry. Jewish jewelers naturally made silver objects related to the practice of their religion and ritual accessories. In the city, they made and decorated small everyday objects on demand. On the other hand, the role of goldsmiths was important in the decoration of weapons and accessories such as powder flasks. This is how they chiseled and sometimes enameled the handles and cases of daggers, engraved and nielloed, where the technique was traditional, the plates that adorned the butts of rifles and the rings that surrounded the barrel. (30)

The adornment of a Jewish city dweller

The adornment of a Jewish city dweller from Morocco: diadem (tâj), ear ornaments (khoras amara), bird medallion (serdokh) and fibulae (tizerzaï) in gold, rubies, emeralds, pearls, enamel and which were found exceptionally in Fez, Tangier, Tetouan, late 18^th-early 19^th century, is part of a set of about ten pieces of gold and precious stone jewelry worn by Moroccan Jewish city dwellers. (31)

The most remarkable elements are an articulated diadem (tâj) and heavy ear ornaments attached to the hairstyle, at the temples (khoras amara). The adornment is completed by a bird-motif medallion necklace (serdokh), decorated with filigree and emeralds, and fibulae (tizerzaï), used to hold a light shoulder veil.

These pieces could be replaced by other types of necklaces of the tazra type with three medallions and earrings of various shapes (khras kbach) or (duwwah el-mehdor) and completed with bracelets called deblij shems u-lgmar, "sun and moon", a name referring to the joint use of gold and silver. (32)

Worn for the first time on the wedding day, the set then became part of the ceremonial outfit of the married woman and testified to the social status of her family. For the most modest, there was a loan institution within the community for the duration of the wedding.

These sets were the work of Jewish goldsmiths established in the cities of the North. The history of Moroccan goldsmithing is also closely linked to that of Jewish jewelers who were practically the only ones to provide this craft in the country until the middle of the 20^th century - their production was aimed at both Jewish and Muslim women. This quasi-monopoly – which is found in all Muslim countries in the Middle East and around the Mediterranean – was explained by the prohibition of usury, to which Islam equates the sale of objects worked in gold or silver for a price higher than their weight, a prohibition that did not apply to Jewish artisans whose mobility, whether desired or forced, ensured the circulation of know-how. (33)

The mellah, the Jewish quarter of Moroccan cities, was also that of artisans and jewelry sellers whose modest stalls served as both a boutique and a workshop, as evidenced by numerous photographs from the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. (34)

Urban goldsmithing was distinguished by the predominant use of gold, enriched with baroque pearls and precious stones such as emeralds and rubies, while the jewelry of rural populations was made exclusively in silver, the choice of this metal being based less on financial considerations than on its white color, reputed to be protective. (35)

Moroccan goldsmithing was greatly renewed in its forms by the arrival of Jews expelled from Spain in 1492, including many jewelers in their ranks. The cities where they settled in large numbers, Fez and Tetouan, have remained beacons of urban goldsmithing in Morocco.

The decorative repertoire included eagles, sometimes two-headed, pigeons and doves, often in pairs. These bird motifs are also found on the gold embroidery of the breastplates of the "grand robes" or on the decorations of marriage contracts (ketoubbot).(36)

Moroccan Jewish embroiders

Moroccan Jewish embroidery has a rich history, characterized by its virtuosity and the integration of various cultural influences. Once, there were about 25,000 Jews living in Morocco, contributing to its unique artistic traditions, particularly in textile and costume creations, such as ornate wedding dresses noted for their intricate craftsmanship.

Moroccan Jewish embroidery, traditionally done by Jewish textile workers, features techniques such as the use of metal threads derived from silver and gold. This embroidery style contributed to the decoration of garments like heavily embroidered caftans for women and jellabas for men, reflecting the intricate artistry of Jewish craftsmen in Morocco. The history of Moroccan embroidery, including Jewish influences, is shaped by three distinct cultural traditions, which have led to the evolution of various styles recognized throughout the country. (37)

Moroccan Jewish embroiderers were notably involved in the crafting and use of "gold thread," which became famous for its application in urban Moroccan embroideries. This art form, prevalent throughout Moroccan households regardless of their social status, showcases the cultural significance of embroidery in Morocco, particularly among Jewish artisans until the 1930s.

The gold thread embroideries of Morocco are rightly famous. They are still made today by urban artisans, skilled continuators of a centuries-old practice. In traditional objects, gold thread embroidery involves the application of more or less thick threads, but also of cords, or braids to sometimes cover large areas in certain ceremonial clothing. Gold thread decorations can be found on slippers, belts, rich caftans, the tarbooshes and the small festive burnous of young boys, as well as on wedding outfits and Jewish religious accessories. Gold thread contributes to the decoration of velvet cushions and upholstery fabrics. The panels assembled to make the wall hangings of felt, satin or velvet, each included the design of an arc often surrounding a motif embroidered with silk or gold thread. The latter was also used in the decoration of harness pieces, in trimmings and in the weaving of brocades. Silver thread, less expensive, had the same uses. (38)

A traditional embroidered belt in Fez is a good example of the complexity of certain ancient creations. Large patterns on fabric are still made by completely covering a pre-cut paper model with gold or silver thread, openwork or only split at the needle passage lines. This model, which is mass-produced, is glued to the right side of the fabric, itself glued to a lining of cardboard, thick canvas or fine sheepskin. The paper of the model is yellow on one side, white on the other: the upper side of the model will be yellow if it is to be embroidered with gold thread, white if it is with silver thread, to hide the gaps that could be created between the threads of a damaged embroidery. The tooling consists of an awl that pierces the doubled fabric, and a needle with which a strong linen thread is passed over the metal thread, then brought back to the reverse, and pulled sufficiently to be invisible on the right side; the gold or silver thread is fixed without having been threaded, it never leaves the right side of the fabric. This saves the quantity of precious threads; moreover, their covering does not risk being torn off when passing through a fabric.  (39)

Certain pieces from Tetuán from the 19^th century show another type of work, executed without a paper model and stuffed in places with thicknesses of silk thread. Finally, there were formerly rarer and more fragile works, for which a narrow blade of gilded silver was used. This embroidery is called lamé; like the previous one, it seems to have been a Jewish specialty in Morocco. Until the 1930s, the manufacture of gold thread was one of the oldest, most renowned and most important industries in the mellah (or Jewish quarter of Fez); around that time, it directly employed 700 people, or nearly a tenth of the population of this mellah. The name "gold thread" refers to its appearance, but does not exactly reflect its composition. It is by looking at an old, slightly worn embroidery that we discover the complexity of its production; it is not a matter of stretching a gold rod until obtaining a thread fine enough to pass through the eye of a needle; this technique is not unknown, but its use is prohibitively expensive. (40)

Jews were instrumental in establishing the gold-thread craft in Morocco, particularly in the city of Fez. They contributed significantly to the development of various textile techniques and specialized in creating metal threads made from silver and gold. This craft was used for heavily embroidered garments such as women's caftans and men's jellabas. The exclusion of Muslims from certain metalwork allowed Jewish artisans to integrate into these industries successfully. (41)

The gold thread commonly used is obtained by winding a narrow, thin strip of gilded silver onto a twisted silk thread. The gold thread industry, as it was practiced traditionally at the beginning of the last century, required the intervention of several categories of specialized workers. The metal purchased by the bosses came from old jewelry intended for melting, old coins, sometimes imported ingots. It was first reduced to the state of extremely thin sheets by gold beaters. In addition, silver rods were drawn until a fairly thick wire was obtained, which was gilded with leaf; for this, the silver wire was wrapped in gold leaf, then smoothed by polishing it with a hard stone. The wire was then drawn again to a diameter of a tenth of a millimeter, then rolled, to finally obtain a narrow golden blade, which ultimately contained only about 5 to 2 percent gold, depending on the qualities.

During this time, women spun orange-dyed silk, which was intended to be the core of the gold thread; its color made any wear of the metal coating less visible. The final operation was the work of the workers who wound the gilded silver blade around the spun silk, and who were the real manufacturers of the gold thread. (42) They had to take great care to ensure a perfectly regular winding, which gave the illusion of a continuous metal thread. Some of it was sold from other cities such as Debdou, Méknes, Rabat and Salé, Tetuán, Marrakesh, etc. (43)

Gold thread embroidery is still very much alive, but the origin of the tradition remains obscure. The name given to gold thread, sqallî, does not seem to have aroused curiosity, yet this word, which means Sicilian in Arabic, is at first glance surprising to say the least. What relations did the artisans of the Jewish community of Fez have with Sicily?

It is true that we must go back a long way in the history of the links between Mediterranean Jews, not with trades using precious metals, links that have been proven since Antiquity in the Near East, but with silk work. In the first centuries of the Christian era, there were "silk workers" among the Jewish population of several countries in the Eastern Mediterranean, particularly in mainland Greece and Corfu. Roger II, Norman king of Sicily in the 12^th century, was a belligerent sovereign, but a good administrator and tolerant. Under his reign, Sicily reached a high level of prosperity, to the point of rivaling Venice. On his return from an expedition against the Byzantines, he brought back Jewish silk specialists captured in Thebes, famous in the Middle Ages for its silk factories, and in other cities of Greece, to install them in his royal factory in Palermo.

It is not known whether the Jews processed both gold and silk there, but it can be assumed; it seems that the name shekel, of very ancient origin, given to the current Israeli currency, has the same root as the word sqallî (Sicilian). The history of Sicily is eventful. In the 15^th century it belonged to the kingdom of Aragon. Ferdinand II of Aragon promulgated the Edict of Expulsion in 1492, which caused a large number of Jews to flee to Morocco. The "sqallî" may have its origins in a direct relationship between the Israelites who had already been established in Morocco for centuries and their coreligionists in Sicily, or in a passage of this technique through Spain at a more or less remote time. Gold thread would have continued to be produced in this country by Jews without losing its name of "Sicilian", and would have kept it even when crossing the Strait of Gibraltar with them in the 15^th century.

Embroiderer of ceremonial costume

L-keswa l-kbira / traje de berberisca

The ceremonial costume or l-keswa l-kbira (the great dress in Arabic) or traje de berberisca (Barbary costume in Spanish) is undoubtedly the most famous costume of Moroccan Jewish fashion. Jewish tailors and embroiderers attached to the court of Spain created the velvet dresses at the origin of the great dress.

On the importance of l-keswa l-kbira among Moroccan Jews, Sanchez writes: (44)

“The keswa el kbira is part of the legacy of Morocco’s Jews. The dress originated in Andalusia, where today there still exist such festival garments, like the ones worn in the mountains of Huelva by the brotherhoods of Andevalo and Puebla de Guzmán on their religious pilgrimages known as romerías, when participants don a jacket, sleeves and skirt that bear a striking resemblance to the keswa el kbira, similarly made of velvet and trimmed in braided gold galoons. The dress is composed of a series of pieces that infuse the ensemble with an incomparable functionality. Given the intrinsic significance of traditional costume, the symbolic function occupies an important place; each piece is a sign that fulfils a specific function for the wearer. Three functions can be seen to coexist or overlap in the same item: the utilitarian, aesthetic and symbolic. The berberisca dress is a highly complex piece of clothing, a “cosmic” dress of sorts, which refers to abstract, spiritual and metaphysical ideas and functions as a highly encoded message. It carries the bride into her new life as a married woman, connecting her to tradition.”

After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, the manufacture of gold beads and trimmings was transferred to Moroccan cities, particularly to Fez. This craft, in which men and women participated, was eliminated by industrial manufacturing in the 1930s.

The great dress, worn for the wedding ceremony, then for festivals and exceptional celebrations, is cut from velvet of different colors depending on the region: green or blue for cities in the interior and garnet red for cities on the coast.

The length of the sleeves and the way to wear them, the characteristics of the skirts as well as the hairstyles also vary according to the regions.

The women's clothing most often mentioned by foreign painters, authors and photographers is "l-keswa l-kbira" (the great dress). This costume originated in 15^th century Spain. The color varies according to the regions. The big dress is given by the father of the bride-to-be to be worn on the wedding day first, and on other big occasions afterwards.

The l-keswa l-kbira, also called "the great dress", is the ceremonial costume of the Jewish city dweller, and is part of the bride's dowry. It is typical for the big cities on the coast and only changes in details from one city to another. Only the color and ornamentation vary. The inseparable element of the great dress is the headdress. (45)

Elements that make up the l-keswa l-kbira:

The plastron: (ktef) with gold pearl patterns, worn under the corselet.

The corselet: (ghonbaj) in gold embroidered velvet.

The petticoats: (sayat) under the skirt.

The skirt: (jeltita, zeltita or zeltil, Spanish word meaning turning) in gold embroidered velvet, wrapped around the waist.

The belt: (hzâm).

The sleeves: (kmâm) in silk veil, fixed under the sleeves of the corselet.

The scarf: (sebnia in Arabic, mantone in haketia).

The crown: (swalef) set with pearls, rubies, emeralds and gold coins.

The slippers: (sherbil) embroidered with gold

In Spanish or haketia (Moroccan Jewish dialect), the dress is called berberisca. In Arabic, it is called l-keswa l-kbira (the great dress), and in Tetuán, it is called ropas de pagno.

The Jewish bride's headdress (sfîfa or tâj) gave her a regal appearance, and her unique style distinguished her from Muslim brides. Her earrings (khorâs kbash, "ram's head"), which reflect a Spanish influence, are considered examples of the high artistic quality of Jewish goldwork in Morocco. She wore a necklace (tazra) with a central pendant decorated with pomegranate bud motifs and encrusted with precious stones, and her hands were adorned with bracelets (shems u-gmar, "sun and moon"). The bird on the brooch was originally a predominantly Jewish motif, and only later became common among Muslims as well.

Trading

The Jews had acquired a monopoly on trade by force of circumstance. The sultan and the governors needed them because they knew how to maintain commercial relations with foreign countries, and they gave them full latitude to exercise this profession, almost exclusively and freely. They knew that when they needed money, they would find it with the Jews.

In this regard, Abdelghani Al-Omrani writes: (46)

“In the nineteenth century, Jews received a variety of forms of protection and concern from both the sultans of Morocco and the Dutch; they enjoyed several types of privileges, especially relating to trade and real estate. Their deep knowledge of accounting and their strong familiarity with living languages equipped them for this, leading the sultans to choose them over others to serve as trade intermediaries with European traders, especially the Dutch. Several Jewish families stood out in the field of trade in Morocco, such as the Pallache family at the beginning of the seventeenth centure, and the Toledano family under Sultan Moulay Ismail Alaoui (1687-1727), as well as the Muqneen and Ibn Dalak families in the nineteenth and early-twentieth century.”

Jewish merchants in Morocco played a significant role in the economy, particularly in the mid-19^th century when they experienced commercial prosperity due to European economic penetration. Notable figures included Meir Macnin and his brother Shlomo, who were prominent in trade with Europe between the 1780s and the 1820s. Their involvement highlighted the contributions of Jewish artisans and merchants to Moroccan commerce, which can be traced back through various historical contexts. (47)

On the other hand, Europeans could not compete because they had no access to Morocco, especially not to the inland towns. Arabs could not practise this profession either, because anyone who did was supposed to be rich, and could therefore be dispossessed by the Pasha or the governor on any pretext. Jews, on the other hand, were protected by foreign nations.

All these activities occupied a large part of the population. Each guild employed an intermediary between suppliers and consumers. Thus, each merchant or trader was surrounded by appointed or independent brokers, whose role was to act as intermediaries between the seller and the buyer, especially between Arabs and Jews and vice versa. The broker could be either a buyer or a seller, or fulfil both roles at the same time. The Arabs did not know how to buy or sell goods without the help of a Jewish intermediary.

Jewish brokers played a significant role in historical Moroccan trade, particularly during the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. They were involved in various sectors, including sugar production and trade, which was largely dominated by Jewish merchants. Additionally, Jewish goldsmiths contributed to Morocco's economic landscape, especially between the two World Wars, as they adapted to the changing economic conditions. Their involvement often reflected their broader engagement in trade networks that connected Morocco with global markets.

Leila Maziane argues that the Megorashim Jews brought international dimension to Moroccan trade: (48)

“From the 15th century onwards, Morocco opened up to powerful foreign colonies such as those of the heretics, themoriscos,and the Jews who had been expelled from Spain. This type of emigration enabled it to establish connections abroad and to have preferential relationships in those markets which were of greatest interest to it. These relationships were mainly created by the Jewish community which, in spite of being a minority from a demographic point of view, formed a true society with its own culture, language and legal system. It was able to perform an important, even indispensable economic role for a long period of time.”

Some of these brokers were wealthy and bought goods on their own account and sold them in the same way. They were well known in the country and in town. Sometimes, they themselves employed other intermediaries. The status of these brokers varied, depending on the merchandise, the clientele and the social situation, from lowly earners to rich people living lavishly.

All the porters together formed a corporation that could be considered part of commerce. Means of locomotion and transport were not developed, even up to the eve of the First World War. Goods were therefore transported on camels (dromedaries rather), mules, donkeys and above all on men's backs for short distances such as from the shop to the port.

The goatskin market accounted for at least fifty percent of the population. To get an idea of the number of workers specialising in this trade, one is to follow the route of the livestock from the sheepfold to the moment when the skin was finally turned into leather, and see how many people were needed to produce the final product. Also Follow its route to slaughter. As soon as the animal's throat was cut, the skin was removed and then subjected to a special preparation to preserve it. Add to this all the handling that had to be done to transport it to town, then to the market, to have it picked up by small buyers, sold to wholesalers, resold to small buyers and the new preparations to deliver it locally to the local industry or to ship it to Europe. And then all the handling required to get it onto the boats. Packaging the skins in itself occupied a large number of specialised employees. Packaging the goods required the employment of a variety of workers.

Morocco was rich in very rare products, and the fact that machines were not yet in use meant that a large number of Jews were able to live and work without specialisation, as in the sale of sweet and bitter almonds, almonds from the pits of various fruits, plums, apricots, peaches, caraway seeds, gums of several kinds, including sandarac gum, which was very special to southern Morocco and especially to Mogador. Sandarac gum required very meticulous care and had several qualities that were very useful in high industry, from varnishes to asphyxiating gases. Another occupation for unqualified Jews was selling cereals, which also required a great deal of care. The list of all these products would be very long.

The guild of accountants was also very active and enviable. Accountancy was not learnt at school; it was imported to Morocco by European Jews or by the sons of families who went to do work experience in business houses in Europe, in London, Hamburg and Amsterdam. An accountant in a large firm lived on the same footing as his employer, if not higher. Accounting in Judeo-Arabic was more complicated than in Europe.

Each commodity was traded under different conditions. The unit of weight and measure changed for each product. A small example: the quintal was converted into Kentâr. Kentâr was not the same for every commodity: cumin was sold in fifty-kilogram sacks, sugar in fifty-four-kilogram sacks, tea in English Kentâr, beeswax in eighty-kilogram sacks, sandarac in one hundred and seventy-six-kilogram sacks, etc.

As Morocco traded with European countries, the exchange involved complicated calculations. One had to count with the hassani (local currency), the franc, the pound, the peseta etc. It was difficult to give the money to the local people and then take it back, even if the mistake was obvious. The role of the accountant was therefore a delicate one, with a great deal of responsibility. After the arrival of the Europeans, especially the French, the role of the accountant became even more important.

On this particular topic, Haim Zafrani writes: (49)

“In the division of labor that seems to have been established, for a long time, between Jewish and Muslim artisans, certain professions are traditionally reserved for Jews, particularly those where the most valuable materials are handled: gold, silver, precious stones and fine pearls.

1. Jewelers: Jewish jewelers, whether from Fez or Mogador, have a reputation for skill and taste that has not wavered for centuries.

Jewelers are designated by the Arabic term; dahhabin for gold, sekkakin or sayyaghin, for silver.

2. Gold and silver wire work: One of the most flourishing Jewish industries is the manufacture of precious metal wire.

The Kohen-Sqalli surname is still widespread in Morocco where it is considered to be of Seville origin, from Seville, by families who have carried it for centuries.

The surname Sqalli is also borne by Muslims, those of Fez, in particular, probably former converted Jews.

3. Other Jewish professions: The Jews of Morocco practiced various manual professions: the manufacture of belt buckles, the nielloing of stirrups, iron work; they were wood turners… In the clothing industries, there were, in addition to tailors, craftsmen who made skullcaps or chachiyya, slippers embroidered with gold or silver for women (shrabel), specialists in silk work (tahrart), lace, buttons, belts, etc.”

As traders, Tangier Jews acted as intermediaries in all kinds of transactions, mainly with the Spanish. Some of them owned trading houses in Tetuán and Salé. (50)

Jews made their living almost exclusively from handicrafts and trade, and in fact only practised the trades of jeweller and tailor.(51)  They played an important commercial role, particularly in the distribution system, from international trade and production in the towns to the most distant markets in the country. And as the Makhzen had a specific role in this trade, Jewish merchants played an important part in the Makhzen's commercial function. (52)

The trades of the Jews of Sefrou

The Israelites scattered throughout the Medina (indigenous quarter) chose to set up their shops in fondouks, in squares near the mellah. The major merchants are cloth, sugar and tea merchants. They set up shop in a vast fondouk. The customer passes by and stops, examines an article, discusses the price and he chooses the merchandise he finds most advantageous. (53) 

At the gates of the fondouks, the haberdashers sit humbly on the floor. On a hemp sack, they spread out matchboxes, skeins of thread, pins, needles, soap, pearl necklaces, candles, sweets and spices. Passers-by are numerous. They ask for a penny of matches, two pennies of salt and five pennies of thread. The merchant serves his customers patiently. He is delighted to see the small silver coins gradually filling his bowl hidden under the hemp sack. For two or three days, he will have enough to feed his large family.

A smile lights up the face of an old shopkeeper who, with his long white beard and dishevelled hair sticking out of his filthy skullcap, epitomises the type of Jew in the town. He hands the Berber customer a loaf of sugar and says: “’tini tlata soldi”, (give me 3 sous). He eagerly served him and showered him with blessings because he bought a dozen of articles to take back to his family in the mountain in this souk day.

In the city mellah, there, sitting in the dust, twenty or so shoemakers and their apprentices work at the threshold of their very small and obscure shops. Some of them are one-eyed. They laboriously mend slippers. Their only tools are a large needle, a knife or rather a razor. The leather they use for repairs is none other than the hide of any animal that they have dried in the sun and then scraped to remove the hair. It's all very simple and primitive.  (54)

The saddlers further back are wielding their big needles and chatting amongst themselves. There are not many of them. There are people who work by the day for mediocre wages, poor unfortunates like most of the Jews of Sefrou: like the goldsmiths who blind themselves engraving native daggers and other silver jewellery; like the tinsmiths who mass-produce lanterns and coffee pots and who are very happy when they earn two or three francs a day.

Jewish women, driven by poverty, leave their mellah during souk days. Wrapped entirely in the white haïk that distinguishes them from Moorish women, they set up shop at the entrance to a fondouk and wait for the natives to offer them work. They make djellabas and faragias, which are due back the same day. They are bent over their work. The place is dark. And this work, which is certainly one of the causes of eye disease, is paid very little. Among this bustling, hard-working crowd, one sadly notices many beggars. Poor Jews, young or old, who have no trade, go from store to store, from fondouk to fondouk, holding out their hands. They ask for a bit of salt, a lump of sugar, a candle, a carrot, a potato, a penny, which their co-religionists and the Berbers or Arabs never refuse them.

For Geertz, (55) there were two kinds of Jews in the bazaar of Sefrou: 

1. The sitting Jew -lihudi d l-gles- “prosperous, settled, civilized “sitting” (gles) merchant”, and; (56) 
2. The walking Jew -lihudi d rkeb- “impoverished, itinerant unlearned “riding” (rkeb) peddler…” (57)

Geertz speaks of these two categories of Jews of Sefrou as follows: (58)

‘’The riding Jews were, in fact, riding camp to camp, suq to suq, virtually the whole of the year, returning to Sefrou for any length of time only during the two main holiday seasons. In town, the sitting Jews sat, sources not only of capital for the riding Jews, but of food and housing, and indeed of a whole range of welfare services, for the latter’s families, including governance of their morale and religious life. Though not explicitly conceived as such, the riding Jews were almost as much the sitting Jews’ servants as their agents.’’

And he goes on to further explain the place of the Jews in the bazaar economy: (59)

‘’Towards the artisans, most of whom, especially in shoemaking and tailoring, were also dirt poor, the financiers had a similar relation, capitalizing them, engrossing their output, and providing for their subsistence almost as an extension of an expanded family economy. The welfare hierarchy that governed community life generally provided the framework for commercial relations within the community as well. Outside the community, whether dealing with a Berber pastoralist, a town weaver, or a Fez importer, the Jews fitted as mentioned, into the more general structure of the bazaar as a whole. Indeed, in Sefrou at least, trying town and country together, permanent suq and periodic, they helped create the bazaar.’’

Moroccan Jews were mainly confined to trade in Sefrou, as elsewhere, their special faculties developed over the centuries, and when political and economic conditions finally allowed them to put them into action, they found themselves ready and willing to expand their role. Certain trades, such as wheat and eggs, which are very important in Morocco, and foreign trade in general, are in the hands of Jewish companies in many places. The expansion of these firms has provided work for hundreds of Israelites - and natives too, of course. As a result, there was a reduction in general poverty and a decrease in the number of small traders and hawkers who, more often than not, earned just enough to keep them from starving to death. (60)

However, it would be a mistake to believe that Moroccan Jews devoted themselves exclusively to the role of commercial intermediary, shopkeeper or pedlar. From time immemorial and in all towns, they have devoted themselves to manual professions; some of the alleyways in the mellahs are entirely occupied by workers and you can see 20 to 25 small shops or stalls, one after the other, occupied by the same category of craftsmen: this juxtaposition of small workshops and shops producing the same article is what makes the Moroccan souks so special and the bazaar of Sefrou unique in its anthropological nature. Admittedly, the workshop is not very big, two by three metres at most, and in this confined space sometimes three or four workers work, helped by a small apprentice: he is not always very small; but sometimes he is barely five or six years old, and some of that age work for hours on end next to the workers, who really didn't spare them much. (61)

Many branches of manual labour are the monopoly of the Jewish workers, and no one would dream of disputing their monopoly. These include embossed or engraved copper work on teapots, incense burners, samovars - the Moroccan speciality that is best displayed for tourists to see; tin-smithing and leatherwork. Many Jewish workers were employed in making the native burnous and, in general, in making clothes and shoes - more like Slippers (belgha).

Commercial intermediaries

Very active in international trade, Moroccan Jews were also deeply rooted in the Amazigh/Berber tribes and well established in the towns. They acted as commercial intermediaries between the city and rural areas, selling and adding value to agricultural produce.  The less well-off among them worked in crafts, while others ran a wide range of shops, from grocery shops to goldsmiths.  In the new town, they held senior positions in the liberal professions: doctors, notaries or owners of credit houses. (62)

Jewish colporteurs in Morocco were individuals who engaged in the trade of goods, often traveling to rural areas to sell products. This practice was part of Jewish economic life in Morocco, where colportage, alongside other activities like agriculture and craftsmanship, was common within certain communities. (63)

Jewish colporteurs in Morocco played several important roles within their communities and the broader socio-economic landscape of the country. They acted as traveling salespeople, selling various goods such as textiles, household items, and foodstuffs. They facilitated trade between urban merchants and rural populations, helping to meet the needs of communities that might not have easy access to goods. Their travels allowed for interaction between different communities, including Jewish and Muslim populations. This interaction sometimes led to cultural exchanges, fostering relationships and mutual understanding. Colporteurs often provided essential services and goods to isolated communities. They played a vital role in ensuring that rural populations had access to necessary items, which could contribute to the overall well-being of those communities. By diversifying their economic activities, Jewish colporteurs contributed to the resilience of Jewish communities in Morocco, especially in times of economic hardship or social upheaval. They often established trade networks that connected different regions within Morocco, thus becoming integral to the local economy. These networks facilitated the flow of goods and information across different areas. Overall, Jewish colporteurs were key players in the socio-economic fabric of Moroccan society, contributing significantly to both their own communities and the wider population through commerce and cultural exchange. (64)

In both town and country, Moroccan Jews lived in perfect harmony with their fellow citizens in a bi-vocational environment that developed in a generally serene and peaceful manner over more than a millennium. And like all minorities in human society, the weakest among them were sometimes subjected to the excesses of a wicked minority, while enjoying the protective benefits of the majority. Collective and generalised exactions against Jews because of their faith are practically non-existent. In normal social relations, their total integration into Moroccan culture made them a stable part of it. (65)

Community life in this bi-vocational environment had its charm and richness. It implicitly and spontaneously nurtured a touch of humanism in the Moroccan, through the natural acceptance of diversity, the expression of feelings of affection towards others, despite their differences, and compassion towards human beings as such. These values found their fullest expression in the festivities, in the exchange of cakes, meals and recipes, in visits between neighbours, business partners and casual acquaintances, and in acts of support and compassion for one another as part of a friendship of “otherness”. These transcendent human values flourish in diversity, are cultivated in diversity and are only fully expressed in the serenity of mutual recognition. (66)

All this beauty of living together was lost with the departure of Jewish compatriots. The divorce was sealed with the Six Day War in 1967. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland and the denominational exclusivity established by Zionism in occupied Palestine altered the perception of the Jew in Morocco, which had been built around ancestral values of coexistence and conviviality.

Today, the impact of Judaism on Moroccan culture still reminds people of an enchanted past. The recipes and songs of the last Moroccan or North African Jewish singers: Sami El Moghribi or the group Botbol, return from time to time like a refrain to remind everyone of the good old days “savoured together”.

That said, the departure of foreigners and the exodus of Jews had an indelible impact on Moroccan society. It was no longer the same at the end of the sixties as it had been at the beginning of the last century. This sad and painful emigration turned the page on a chapter of Moroccan history in a one-way trip... a deconstruction... then a reconstruction. (67)

Fortunately, among Moroccan Jews, there were those who took up the challenge of Morocco by standing up to Zionism. They are the living testimony of a shared past. They are harly visible in the daily life of Morocco today, especially in the medina, but they are still here seen as the pride of the country: Serfaty (husband and wife), Edmon Amran El Maleh (writer), Simon Levy (university professor), Gad El Maleh (singer), Azoulay (politician), etc. (68)

Those who have settled in other countries remain attached to their Moroccan identity and their centuries-old culture, lived side by side with Muslims on Moroccan soil, as the following quotation from Robert Assaraf testifies to that: (69)

“Morocco and its Jewish communities are a real textbook case. Indeed, no other Jewish community has maintained such a strong and fruitful relationship with its homeland, a relationship that is all the more intense for its lack of conflict. This calm and serene view of the past, based on the memory of the centuries-old mutual coexistence between Muslims and Jews, applies equally to the present and the future. Far from being a nostalgia, Moroccan identity is a certain conception of the world “.

Caravan trade

The Jews of Sijilmâsa played a leading role in the trans-Saharan caravan trade

The Jews of Sijilmâsa (70) were an important community in south-eastern Morocco and played a leading role in the caravan trade. The Jews of Sijilmâsa played a major role in the trans-Saharan caravan trade, particularly towards Sudan (the old name for the region stretching from east to west in central Africa, south of the Sahel). An essential part of the national heritage and the first “port” before crossing the Sahara, this city was the seat of trading houses for Muslim and Jewish merchants from the 8^th to the 14^th century. (71)

It was also the main market for Sudanese gold throughout this period. The writings of travellers, geographers and merchants, as well as the coins minted in Sijilmâsa, all form part of the documentation that makes it possible to measure the importance of the many functions of this medieval city on different scales.  (72)

It is said that Morocco was the “obligatory intermediary” for the passage of gold to Europe, and that the Jewish merchants of Sijilmâsa also turned to the Middle East and beyond, as far as the Indian subcontinent, for the exchange of all sorts of products. (73) 

Jewish trading networks required close cooperation with Muslim trading networks, the two did not have the same reach, nor the same outlets, and that the solidity of Jewish networks was based, above all, on family ties.(74)

According to a document published on this occasion, the oldest documentary sources concerning the Jews of Sijilmâsa come from the “Genizah” in Cairo. In Judaism, the “Genizah” is a place where books and documents that have gone out of use are deposited. The fact that these writings contain the name of God gives them a sacred status that forbids their deliberate destruction.

Although they are known to have been excellent masons, the Jews of Sijilmâsa, according to the same source, were above all merchants who played a full part in long-distance trade, of which Sijilmâsa was one of the main crossroads. (75)

Prior to the Arab conquest of North Africa, the Jewish presence in the Sahara is attested by the presence of stelae and stones bearing inscriptions testifying to a veritable “Jewish era” in this region.

The conquest of Jerusalem by Titus in the year 70 and the wars in Cyrenaica between 115 and 118 led to a major flow of Jewish populations heading westwards along the Saharan Atlas, breaking up and settling in the Mzab, Touat, Tafilalet, Draâ and Sous regions. (76)

The Touat region, in the heart of the Sahara, is one example of the rise of Jewish tribes on the African continent. From the twelfth to the fourteenth century, the Jewish population became a hub of trans-Saharan trade, contributing dynamically to the prosperity of the region.

Concerning the Jewish material culture related to the caravan trade, Liora Bigon and Edna Langenthal  write: (77)

“By mediating between different mediums of material culture in the Tafilalt region in southeastern Morocco, such as architecture, minor art, and manuscripts, this article demonstrates the dissemination of ideas and the cross pollination between the various groups that are native to the region. As part of a shared tradition of the organization of long-distance, trans-Saharan trade infrastructure, these groups (Berbers, Arabs, Jews, Sahelian and sub-Saharan Africans) intersected with each other in multifaceted ways, such as in the Tafilalt through retail and wholesale commerce, completing professional (in terms of transportation, artisanry), ethno-cultural, political and religious negotiations in more (or occasionally less) harmonious ways, and side-by-side residence in a variety of spatial expressions. Historically, from at least the eight to the fourteenth century, this long-distance trade infrastructure was centered on the city of Sijilmassa, which connected the world north of the Atlas Mountains with Black Africa, through the advantage of its physical location (on the frontier of governmentality, which resulted in a special ethno-political climate, and as an immediate pre-Saharan oasis). Despite the fall of Sijilmassa at the end of the fourteenth century due to considerable political instability in the Tafilalt, and despite unsuccessful attempts at its revival in the seventeenth century, it is safe to argue that the human settlement there has been continuous almost without interruption. The prolongation of Sijilmassa was pursued through the gradual rise of the present regional capital of Rissani (with the support of the Makhzen). Whether a centralized urban settlement surrounded by two walls (Sijilmassa), or a decentralized urban organization in the form of many dozens of sporadic quasi-village-likeqaṣar-s in Rissani’s metropolitan area, there has been a continuity of human settlement in Tafilalt. The oral history of indigenous groups, partly documented, also supports assumptions of this continuity in terms of the original core of Sijilmassa’s communities.”

Until the discovery of America, the gold used to mint coins came from the Blâd Soudân (now Senegal and Mali). The tolerance of North African Islam allowed the Jewish communities already established to prosper in the gold, slave, ivory and ostrich feather trades. (78)

The history of the Jewish presence in the Touat has been documented thanks to the work of French officers in the Sahara at the end of the 19^th century, such as A.G.P. Martin, who collected numerous accounts from local Arab chroniclers. (79)

This commercial activity goes back a very long way, and the oldest Jewish communities were established in caravan towns such as Ifrane, a stopover for caravans from the Sous to Senegal, or Sijilmâsa, Timimoun and Tamentit. (80)

Tamentit: the Jerusalem of the desert

The natives say that the ksour of Tamentit were created by the Jews in the year of the elephant. This is how the Arabs refer to the year in which Abraha, an Ethiopian prince, undertook an expedition against Mecca to overthrow the Kaaba temple; Abraha rode a white elephant. (81)

Located in the heart of the Sahara on one of the main routes of the trans-Saharan network, the town of Tamentit is the trade route par excellence. At the crossroads of the caravans, the town grew rich and became an economic capital.

It was also at the crossroads of religions: Islam and Judaism coexisted and the town became a cultural, religious and intellectual centre.

The economy of Touat, of which Tamentit is the capital, is also based on crafts and agriculture. The region produces cereals and dates, and breeds mounts and dromedaries. This is made possible by a wealth of underground water, the management of which is organised in a very dense network of underground pipes: the foggaras, (82) a sophisticated irrigation system. (83)

The total length of the network of foggaras throughout the Sahara is estimated at 4,000 km, half of which corresponds to the 372 or so Touati foggaras. (84)

The Jewish guides of the caravan trade

Jewish guides played a significant role in the trans-Saharan trade, especially during the height of the trade from the 8^th to the 11^th centuries. These guides were essential for navigating the harsh desert conditions and facilitating trade routes, particularly in the exchange of gold and slaves. Their knowledge and connections allowed them to assist caravans transporting goods between North Africa and sub-Saharan regions. (85)

Jewish merchants played a vital role in the trans-Saharan trade from the early medieval period onwards, particularly between the 8^th and 15^th centuries. Their contributions were significant in several ways. Jewish traders often had extensive networks that spanned across both North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, allowing them to facilitate trade between diverse cultures and regions. As both insiders in their own communities and outsiders in others, Jewish merchants often acted as cultural intermediaries. (86) They were able to communicate and negotiate between different groups, such as Arab, Berber, and various African societies. Jewish merchants possessed valuable knowledge of desert trade routes and conditions, which was crucial for successfully navigating the challenging Sahara landscape. They often served as guides for caravans, helping to ensure safety and efficient travel. (87)

They participated in the trade of various goods, including gold, ivory, textiles, spices, and slaves. This trade not only enriched their communities but also played a critical role in the broader economy of medieval Africa. Jewish traders often had expertise in finance and banking, which allowed them to engage in money lending and credit, facilitating trade transactions. Their skills in financial management were vital in the context of long-distance trade. (88) The interactions facilitated by Jewish merchants led to cultural and religious exchanges, influencing the communities involved in trade. These exchanges affected not just economic relationships, but also social and cultural dynamics across the regions. Overall, Jewish merchants were integral to the success and expansion of trans-Saharan trade, contributing to the growth of trade routes, economic relationships, and cultural exchanges between diverse peoples. (89)

The trans-Saharan trade facilitated the exchange of a variety of goods between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. Key items traded included:

1. Gold: One of the most significant commodities, particularly from West African empires like Mali and Ghana. (90)
2. Salt: Highly valuable for preservation and nutrition, sourced from Saharan salt mines.
3. Slaves: Human trafficking was a grim but integral part of the trade.
4. Textiles: Fabrics and clothing, including cotton and silk goods from the Mediterranean.
5. Spices and Foodstuffs: Including items like kola nuts and various agricultural products.
6. Leather Goods: Products made from animal hides.
7. Ivory: Sourced from elephants, it was a luxurious item in demand.
8. Metals: Such as copper and iron.

The trade routes not only facilitated the flow of goods but also cultural exchanges and the spread of Islam across the region.

Jewish courtiers

During the period from the 13^th to the 18^th century, Jewish courtiers played significant roles in the courts of Moroccan sultans. Notable Jewish figures included Abraham ben Zamirou, Jacob Roti, and members of esteemed families such as Pallache, (91)  Maimran, and Ben Attar. Their presence was noted as a unique aspect of the social structure at the time. (92)

The presence of Jewish courtiers at the court of the Marinid sultans (13^th century) is perceived as a discordant manifestation in view of the social situation and recent past of the group to which they belong. The emergence of the first lineages of Jewish courtiers in the Spanish and Eastern courts (between the 10^th and 15^th centuries) may well have set the “precedent” for the appearance of a similar phenomenon on the other side of the Andalusian zone of influence, on the African shore.

Thus, after the definitive expulsion of the Iberian Jews in 1492 and the settlement of many of them in Morocco, the sultans of the three successive dynasties recruited financiers, advisors and ambassadors who were descendants of these immigrants. What's more, all these high dignitaries from eminent families - Ben Waqqasa, Ben Batash, Ben Zamirou, Pallache, Maimran or Ben Attar - represented, protected and led their own communities. (93)

What events preceded the rise of this elite from a minority society living in the Land of Islam? How can one situate this phenomenon on the scale of values acceptable to the majority society? Can it be attributed to an evolution in mentalities favored by a favorable economic climate? Should they be distinguished from the Hofjuden, the Jews of the European courts?

No answer is possible without admitting a priori that political and social realities had overturned the prohibitions on granting power to non-Muslims, modified mentalities and allowed access to theoretically prohibited avenues. (94)

The influence of Jewish courtiers in Morocco, particularly during the Marinid dynasty (1244–1465), showcased a complex cultural interaction where Jewish individuals played significant roles at the court. Their presence highlighted a unique blend of Moroccan and Jewish cultures, which was seen not as a dichotomy but as an enriching particularity. Despite the eventual dispersion of the Jewish community in Morocco, the connections and cultural exchanges during their presence at the royal court persisted. (95)

Jewish courtiers in Moroccan history held various important roles, particularly during the medieval and early modern periods. Many Jewish courtiers served as advisors to the sultans. They often acted as intermediaries in diplomatic relations with European nations and facilitated trade agreements. Jewish courtiers were frequently responsible for managing financial matters, including tax collection and treasury management. Their skills in commerce and finance were highly valued. Some Jewish courtiers were also physicians, providing medical care to the sultan and his court. Their expertise in medicine helped establish a reputation for Jewish doctors in Moroccan society. (96)

The influence of Jewish courtiers in Morocco can be traced back to historical patterns of integration within the Moroccan society and its courts. Jewish courtiers, notably during the periods from the 10^th to the 15^th centuries, played significant roles in various political and economic arenas, serving as advisors and contributing to cultures in the royal courts. Their presence in the society, particularly in cities like Casablanca, reflects a longstanding coexistence and the complexities of Jewish life in the region. (97)

They played a role in cultural exchanges, bringing knowledge of European languages and customs to the Moroccan court, thus enhancing diplomatic and commercial relationships. Many Jewish courtiers were influential leaders within their communities, using their positions to advocate for the rights and welfare of Jews in Morocco. Overall, Jewish courtiers were integral to the functioning of the Moroccan court and contributed to the socio-political landscape of the country during their time. Their legacy reflects a complex interplay of relationships between Jewish and Muslim communities in Morocco. (98)

On the input of the Jewish courtiers, Fatma Rhorchi writes: (99)

“Moroccan Jews, like all other Jews in the Islamic empire, were subject to the Pact of ‘Umar, which defined the status of dhimmi. In Morocco, Jews were the only group whose status was based exclusively on the personal protection guaranteed by the sultan himself. Moroccan dynasties enforced the laws of the dhimma with varying degrees of rigidity throughout successive dynasties. Some Jews were able to rise above their co-religionists, thanks to their roles as ambassadors, negotiators, treasurers, advisors, and administrators at the Moroccan royal court. In the long run, this new class of courtiers surpassed their status as dhimmis to become active players in the political, economic, and social life of the state, which led to the emergence of an institution of the Judeo-Moroccan monocratic family, acting exclusively in the ambit of the Makhzan (central government). They facilitated the contact between Moroccan sultans with Europe.”

Jewish courtiers played a significant role in Moroccan history, particularly during the time when they served under various Moroccan dynasties. They were often included in the courts of sovereigns and held positions of influence, facilitating communication between Moroccan sultans and European powers. This relationship was beneficial, as the Jewish courtiers acted as intermediaries and advisors, impacting diplomatic and economic interactions.

Throughout history, especially until the mid-20^th century, Moroccan Jewry was a prominent non-Ashkenazi Jewish community in the region, with a rich cultural and social presence.

Jews at the service of the monarchy (100)

At the end of the 16^th century, a Jewish family played a considerable role in Morocco. The head of this family, Samuel Pellas, understood the importance of the mission that could fall to Morocco in the game of the seesaw of European diplomacy. In 1551, he was sent on a special mission to Holland. He managed to conclude a trade treaty between the Netherlands and Morocco. At his death, his brother, Joseph Pellas, was appointed ambassador of Morocco to Great Britain. It is a fact, moreover, that at that time, most of the representatives of the Sherifian King in the English capital were citizens of the Jewish faith.

At the same time, the interests of Morocco in France, where Louis XIII reigned, were represented by his son, David Pellas. Let us note in passing that it was Saul Pellas who founded the Bet Yaacov synagogue in Holland.

Moreover, the one who became the head of the Sephardic community of Hamburg and Amsterdam, Rabbi Yaacov Sasportas, a native of Oran and descendant of a family of former refugees from Portugal, had previously been sent as ambassador of Morocco to Europe by King Moulay Rachid.

If the Jews of Fez were often very close to the royal palace, under King Moulay Ismail, the Jewish community of Meknes gave some ministers to the government. This is the case of Joseph Maimaran and his son, who both helped Moulay Ismaël to defeat his enemies and ascend the Moroccan throne.

Another advisor of Moulay Ismail was Daniel Tolédano, whose son was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Netherlands. A few years later, Joseph Tolédano's son, Haïm, was Moulay Ismail's ambassador to His Majesty in Great Britain.

There was even a Jew to occupy, what today we would call, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This was Moses ben Attar, who enjoyed imperial favor for many years. All the external affairs of the Empire passed through his hands. He was ably assisted by his brother Abraham ben Attar who resided in Tetuán. His financial genius and the gifts he lavished on the sovereign's favourites ensured him great credit. Appointed sheikh of the Jews jointly with Abraham Maymorān, whose daughter he married after having been his rival, he commanded all his co-religionists. His actions were the cause of the ruinous setback imposed on French trade in 1716. In 1720 and 1723, he took part in the negotiations for the redemption of the English and French captives and paid dearly for his help. The wealth he had amassed aroused the covetousness of the sultan, who demanded a tribute of twenty quintals of silver. Disgraced at the end of his life, he died in Meknes in September 1724.

Robert Assaraf argues that the Jews enjoyed an intimacy with the sultans of the Alaouite dynasty: (101)

“The history of the Alawite dynasty began in 1666 with the reign of Moulay Rachid. If we exclude the case of a particularly tyrannical and openly anti-Semitic sultan, Moulay Yazid, the Alawites have cultivated over the centuries - and still do - a great intimacy, if not complicity, with Moroccan Jews, due to their responsibilities as religious leaders and in their capacity as Amir El Mouminin (Commanders of the Faithful). While it is true that there were many atrocities, they were rarely committed by the sultans, but rather by local authorities, dissident tribes or rebellious rabble, generally during periods of political or dynastic uncertainty. The persecutions suffered by the Jews were not the result of fate, but of the weaknesses of central government. Jews and Muslims shared their share of misery and humiliation. But because they were a vulnerable religious minority, the Jews were more willing to dramatise their fate. As a result, from the middle of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, they were relatively more open to European influences, and in particular to the ‘civilising’ role of France.”

King Moulay Slimane's concern for the Jews was manifested on various occasions. When he undertook his official visit to Meknes, he expressed the desire to see three Jewish personalities part of his retinue. David Elhrief, Joseph Allias and Benjamin Bensadoun were chosen. His Minister of Finance was Abraham Sicsu; his personal treasurer, Isaac Pinto; his personal physician, a certain Oumesguine and the administrator of Customs of the port of Tangier. The same Sultan, at the beginning of the 19^th century, fixed his choice on a Jew from Tangier, Messod Cohen, for a special mission to England. Later, Méir Cohen, son of the previous one, after having been administrator of Customs in Tangier, represented Moulay Slimane at the Court of England. (102)

Under Moulay Abderrahman, the representative of the Sultan in Gibraltar was Juda Benoliel. However, in Fez, his advisor was the great rabbi Raphaël Hassarfati and that of the grand vizier (prime minister) Salomon Benharroch. After Moulay Abderrahman, Moulay El Hassan had as private advisor Yechoua Corcos who, in difficult times, was always summoned to the palace. At that time, personalities from the Jewish communities of Tangier and Tetuán held honorary diplomatic posts as consuls, vice-consuls, legation interpreters, etc.

In 1956, Moroccan independence — post-protectorate — was proclaimed. The late sovereign Mohammed V decided to appoint Doctor Benzaquen. Léon Benzaken, another leader of the Moroccan Jewish community, who helped found the Alliance Israélite Universelle (103) du Maroc, was also very close to the Palace. (104) A doctor by training, he was tipped to become Minister of Health in the very first government of independent Morocco. In 1956, during the first reshuffle of the El Bekkay government, he was appointed Minister of Post and Telecommunications. He was then appointed Minister of Health, at the same time since he was serving as private physician to the late Mohammed V.

Many Jewish personalities have served the Throne, to the extent that it is impossible today to draw up an exhaustive list. David Amar is one of them. A tragedy brought him closer to the Palace, when the boat Egoz sank in 1961, carrying some forty Jews who wanted to travel to Israel and who all perished. As head of the Moroccan Jewish community at the time, it was he who alerted the authorities to the tragedy. During the funeral of the victims, some of whose bodies were recovered from the Mediterranean, he met Prince Moulay El Hassan, then Crown Prince. From the status of friend, he quickly evolved into that of financial and economic adviser to King Hassan II. David Amar was later appointed Managing Director of ONA, but towards the end of his life he decided to follow his son to France. He spent the rest of his life between Casablanca and Paris. (105)

It was a time when the Jewish community was very present on the Moroccan political and social scene. It was precisely at this time that another Moroccan Jew gained access to the very close circle of King Hassan II. Raphaël Botbol was both the King's official tailor and his political adviser. His father, Haïm Botbol, had already been the tailor to the late Mohammed V, but when Hassan II acceded to the throne, weakened by illness, he could no longer take on this role. His son therefore took up the torch in the service of Hassan II. The relationship between the two men was so strong that, on his death, the king said to his family: “You have lost a father and a husband, I have lost a brother”. The king called on him for all sorts of matters. Later, it was Raphaël's son Roger who, at the request of the late Hassan II, took over the role of the King's tailor.

In this saga of Jews at the service of the Throne, history will remember the particular career of Baruch Chriqui. Born in Casablanca into a Jewish family, he left Morocco at the age of 25 to settle in Hollywood, USA, where he opened his own hairdressing salon, which soon became a meeting place for film stars. One day, he received a visit from the late Prince Moulay Abdallah in his salon. Seduced by the young hairdresser's human and professional qualities, the prince invited him to attend King Hassan II's birthday party. He accepted the invitation. A few days later, King Hassan II asked him to come and do his hair. Which he did. A little later, Chriqui received an offer to become the King's personal hairdresser and the relationship between the two men developed into a friendship. The hairdresser played golf with the King and accompanied him on hunting trips, among other activities. After the death of King Hassan II in 1999, the 60-year-old hairdresser decided to move to Israel with his four children.

Other Jewish personalities close to the Palace include Max Cohen and singer Samy El Maghribi. The former, a boxer, pulled on the Moroccan jersey at the behest of the King, and the latter was an artistic adviser to Mohammed V. Nessim Max Cohen, a Moroccan born in Casablanca in 1942, is a sports champion who is very well known, particularly abroad. In Paris, a boxing gym bears his name. In several Israeli towns, training centres bear the name of this Moroccan Jew who lived in Casablanca for two decades. His life was divided between Paris, Israel and Morocco.

A friend of Mohamed Ali, it was he who organised the visit to Morocco of the most famous African-American boxer in history. This was in July 1972, at the invitation of Hassan II. A year later, he left for Paris, where he embarked on an international boxing career to become world champion.

As for Samy El Maghribi, whose real name is Salomon Amzallag, he is a Moroccan singer and musician born in 1922 in Safi, who spent his entire life between his hometown, Casablanca and Montreal, Canada. He was regularly invited to parties and celebrations organized by the Palace and Hassan II greatly appreciated his songs. He is even said to have chanted a few verses from the Koran one day in front of the late king, which touched him greatly.

“Allah ibarek f ‘mar sidi”, the words of Meir Ben Shabbat, Israel's special national security adviser, came as a surprise. The expression is ritually uttered by Moroccan notables during the Feast of the Throne, and testifies to their renewed loyalty to the King. It is a pledge of allegiance, albeit a symbolic one in this case, which was made by the advisor to Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu when he was received by Mohammed VI at the Royal Palace in Rabat, on the occasion of the agreements signed between Morocco and Israel on 23 December 2020. He also reminded the audience that the Jewish community of Moroccan origin retains strong links with the Sherifian monarchy.

In thid regard, Nicole Sebag-Serfaty writes: (106)

“As early as the 13th century and during the next centuries, in total contrast with the social status of their coreligionists and the condescending regard of the dominating islamic society, moroccan-jewish notables like khalifa ibn waqqasa and haroun ibn batash, achieved high positions at the court of the sultans. After the final expulsion of the jews from spain in 1492, many settled in morocco where three dynasties in succession - the wattassis, sa'adis and 'alawis - turned to their advantage the jewish cultural and linguistic diversity by regularly calling on financiers, advisers or ambassadors. Among the most prominent should be mentione : abraham ben zamirou, jacob roti, jacob rosales, several members of the pallache, maimran, ben 'attar and toledano families. These jewish dignitaries often called shaykh al-yhud or nagid, were considered by their coreligionists as their protectors and by the sultan as responsible for the activities of their community. What are the factors which gave rise to this dhimmi elite, what are the circumstances of the moroccan court jews phonomenon, in particular and to this phenomenon generally, and to what extent can it be measure of the level of acceptance achieved by the jews in their surrounding society ? finally, beyond political motives, can we perceive the beginnings of a mental pattern, a cultural climate favourable to the fostering of a rising jewish class ? these are the questions that this research will attempt to answer.”

Who doesn't know André Azoulay, the Amazigh Jew and advisor to two monarchs? Nor is Serge Berdugo totally unknown to a large fringe of Moroccans, a former close associate of Driss Basri, the powerful Minister of the Interior under Hassan II, the King's ambassador-at-large and Secretary General of the Council of the Jewish Community of Morocco. These are two personalities known for having served their king, and who continue to do so today. Symbols of today's Moroccan community, they no longer need to be introduced, unlike certain Moroccan personalities of the Jewish faith who have also served the Throne for a long time. (107)

Moroccan sultans historically interacted with Jewish communities in complex and varied ways, often reflecting broader political, social, and economic dynamics. Some Jewish individuals served as court Jews or advisors to the sultans, playing significant roles in diplomatic and economic matters. These individuals often acted as intermediaries between the sultan and Jewish communities, facilitating trade and negotiations.

Jewish communities often contributed to the economy through trade, finance, and crafts. Sultans recognized the economic value of Jewish merchants and allowed them certain privileges, which sometimes included protection and autonomy in their business dealings. Although Jews were regarded as dhimmis (protected minorities) and had to adhere to certain restrictions, many Moroccan sultans demonstrated varying degrees of tolerance. They generally favored policies that promoted coexistence and mutual benefit, especially when political stability was at stake.

Interactions facilitated cultural exchange, with Jewish communities contributing to the arts, philosophy, and sciences in Moroccan society. This cross-cultural engagement enriched both Jewish and Muslim cultural landscapes. Despite periods of relative tolerance, there were also times of conflict and persecution, influenced by broader socio-political factors, such as internal strife or external threats. These situations sometimes led to increased restrictions on Jewish communities. Jewish communities often maintained their own institutions, such as synagogues and schools, and engaged in community life, while sometimes relying on the sultan's protection to ensure their safety and rights.

Moroccan Jewish ambassadors (108) historically served important diplomatic and cultural roles in various contexts. Moroccan Jewish ambassadors acted as intermediaries between the Jewish community and the Moroccan Sultanate, facilitating communication and negotiations with foreign powers, particularly during times of conflict or diplomatic engagement. They played a crucial role in establishing and maintaining trade relations between Morocco and European countries, especially in the 17^th and 18^th centuries. Many Jewish merchants held influential positions and used their connections to foster economic ties.

These ambassadors contributed to cultural exchange between Morocco and other nations. They introduced aspects of Moroccan culture to foreign countries and vice versa, fostering a dialogue that enriched both Moroccan and Jewish heritages. At times, Jewish ambassadors would negotiate for the protection of Jewish communities in hostile environments, obtaining guarantees for safety and rights from both the Moroccan authorities and foreign powers.

Within Morocco, these ambassadors often held leadership roles in their communities, advocating for Jewish rights and integration while also navigating the complexities of their relationships with Muslim rulers. Their diplomatic correspondence and records serve as valuable historical sources, providing insights into the political climate, cultural exchanges, and everyday life of Jews in Morocco during different historical periods. (109)

Overall, Moroccan Jewish ambassadors played a transformative role in shaping both Jewish and Moroccan identities, contributing to socio-economic developments and intercommunal relations throughout history.

Research on Moroccan Jewish ambassadors reveals their historical significance and roles from the late 17^th century to modern times. These ambassadors, appointed by Moroccan Sultans, played crucial diplomatic roles in relations with countries like England. The presence of Moroccan Jews has also influenced the cultural and national identity of Morocco today.

All in all, the relationship between Moroccan sultans and Jewish communities was dynamic, characterized by mutual dependence, economic cooperation, and varying degrees of tolerance and conflict throughout history.

The couturiers of the sultan

Notable tailors of the Alaouite dynasty included:

1. Abraham Sasson - He was a prominent tailor who served during the reign of Sultan Hassan I and continued to work for subsequent sultans. His expertise in tailoring and his close relationship with the royal court made him a key figure.
2. The Sasson Family - Following Abraham, other members of the Sasson family continued the tradition of tailoring for the royal court, maintaining their influence over generations.
3. Other Jewish Tailors - Various other Jewish tailors, such as the Elmaleh family, also served the Alaouite sultans, contributing to the court's fashion and attire.

These tailors were important not only for their craftsmanship but also for their role in the cultural exchanges between the Jewish community and the Moroccan monarchy.

The Sassons have been the Sultan's official dressmakers for 120 years. Unlike the vast majority of Moroccan Jews, the Sassons are not originally from Spain. They came from the Middle East and settled in Tafilalt, in the pre-Saharan region. From 1877 onwards, Abraham Sasson worked for Hassan I as the sultan's dressmaker. He continued his activities under the reigns of Moulay Abdel-Aziz, Moulay Hafid and Moulay Youssef, then Sidi Mohammed Ben Youssef, the future Mohammed V.

He was succeeded by his son-in-law, Haïm Botbol, and the Botbols thus ensured continuity at the court of Kings Mohammed V and Hassan II. These two Jewish families were familiar faces at the court of six sultans and kings of the Alawite dynasty, for more than 120 years. The story of their itinerary is set in the context of Moroccan history and the social and cultural life of the Moroccan Jewish community. This narrative is based on the testimonies and accounts of several members of the author's family, as well as on his own experience. (110)

The Sasson family settled in Tafilalet and during the reign of Hassan I (1836 –1894), (111) he appointed Abraham Sasson as the palace dressmaker, thus perpetuating a tradition inherited from his ancestors. ‘When Mohammed V came to power, this mission was entrusted to the Sassons‘in-laws, the Botbols, after the death of Abraham Sasson’. The Botbols maintained a special relationship with the palace, which intensified when Hassan II acceded to the throne.

The Botbol father, who had worked for Mohammed V, died and his son Rafael took his place, making the family name shine. He was responsible for making the clothes, using fabrics from Indonesia, Malaysia and Great Britain. The relationship between Rafael and Hassan II was such that the sovereign addressed the Botbol family on Rafael's death, saying: “You have lost a father and a husband, but I have lost a brother”. The title of palace couturier remained in the bosom of Jewish families until Hassan II met an Italian couturier.

This was the famous couturier Francesco Smalto, to whom the late monarch reserved a generous salary. He began designing the King's suits after taking his measurements just once. This prompted Hassan II to remark to him that he should take his measurements whenever necessary. The daily adds that Hassan II was very meticulous, made precise remarks and often asked questions about all the details. Hassan II's remarks pushed me to seek an interpretation for each artistic touch. “I have dressed celebrities and great leaders without ever receiving such precise remarks as those I received in the presence of Hassan II,” said Francesco Smalto during his lifetime. The designer also recounts that the late monarch once asked him to create a garment that would unite the Arabs and satisfy the tastes of the leaders. So Smalto went to Marrakesh, to the La Mamounia hotel, to carry out this mission. It was at La Mamounia that Hassan II's favourite couturier died while sleeping in April 2015.

But when Hassan II wasn't dressed in a suit signed by Smalto or Alain Stark, he could wear Jellaba sewn by Ba Saleh, Fhima or Abderrazak. Indeed, the couturier Ba Saleh had a particular interest in the traditional Albzioui garb of Mohammed V's time. He maintained this interest throughout his career until handing over to Fhima. Fhima was known as the “couturier to the palace”, as special envoys from the palace often went to see him in his workshop in Rabat's old medina.

On one occasion, the palace messengers went to see him to inform him that Hassan II was expecting him at 8 pm. When they did not find him at his workshop, they left the instructions to his apprentice Abderrazak, who failed to pass on the correct information to his master. Fhima missed his audience with the king, earning him royal wrath, and it was his apprentice who became the palace's new couturier.

Like his predecessors, Sultan Hassan I had Jews in his service, even within the royal household. The Jewish community was a religious and ethnic minority and enjoyed the confidence and solicitude of the Sovereigns. There was a long-standing tradition of employing them as hairdressers, jewellers and so on. Jews knew how to be discreet and honest in business.

Salem Sasson, succeeded his father at the palace in Fez as a traditional dressmaker. He also made clothes for the viziers and many of the city's dignitaries. When Salem died, it was his son Abraham, , who took over. Abraham was barely 17 at the time. He worked in Fez for Moulay Hassan I until 1912, when he followed the Alawites to Rabat. On the death of the monarch, Abraham worked successively for Moulay Abd El Aziz, Moulay Hafid and Moulay Youssef. (112)

Abraham Sasson and his family followed the Sultan wherever he travelled in the Kingdom. In 1927, on the death of Moulay Youssef, Sidi Mohammed (the future Mohammed V), then aged 18, was enthroned. Abraham served him until his death in 1939 and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Haïm Botbol (husband of his eldest daughter), who remained in the service of the dynasty until 1961. His son and grandson Raphaël and Roger then took over from him in the service of King Hassan II. But in 1999, Roger was struck down by a serious illness and had to move to Paris for treatment. And that was the end of their adventure with the dynasty.

The Sasson and Botbol designers mainly made women's clothes (caftans, djellabas, etc.). Gradually, they took on the role of salon fitters and upholsterers, and were the only ones allowed to enter the flats of women and concubines to take measurements. For every religious festival, wedding, christening and birthday, the King presented his wives with outfits. Given the quantity of outfits to be made, Sasson and Botbol did a lot of subcontracting to Rabat boutiques. In the Rue des Consuls, many workers were employed by them. Most of the designs were exclusive and the fabrics were bought in from abroad. Orders had to be ready on time, and that wasn't always easy. The sisters and wives of the various couturiers were often ladies-in-waiting to the wives and sisters of the sultans. The Sassons and Botbols therefore experienced the intimacy of the Palace. (113)

Conclusion: Jewish communities thrived because of resilience and adaptation

In Morocco today, this nearly two and a half thousand-year-old story is only vaguely taught in school textbooks. Yet it is everywhere, etched forever in the landscape. And, of course, in the alleyways of the mellahs, the neighborhoods once reserved for Jews, not to be confused with the closed ghettos of Europe. Rabat's mellahs still bear their names. Rue Shalom-Zaoui, rue David-Cohen. Not a single Jew lives here anymore. Those who still live in the kingdom's capital have scattered across the city. But the bulk of the community is to be found in Casablanca.

Jewish people in Morocco historically held various professions, with many particularly renowned as jewelers, especially in cities like Fes and Mogador, known for their exceptional skill and taste in jewelry making. Throughout history, Jews in Morocco have also occupied important roles in commerce, trade, and served in influential positions with Moroccan sultans from the Marinids (114) to Mohammed VI.

Jewish families played a significant role in the social, economic, and cultural development of Morocco, particularly during the reigns of the Alaouite dynasty. Their influence can be highlighted in several key areas. Jewish communities were integral to Morocco's economy, especially in trade and craftsmanship. They often served as intermediaries in trade between Europe and Morocco, facilitating commerce and bringing in goods and ideas.

Jewish artisans, such as tailors and jewelers, were highly regarded for their skills. They were often employed by the royal court, providing services to the sultan and his family, as exemplified by figures like Abraham Sasson.

Some Jewish individuals held positions as advisors to the sultans, leveraging their knowledge of international affairs and trade. Their insights were valuable for diplomatic relations, especially with European powers.

Jewish families contributed to the cultural tapestry of Morocco, fostering a blend of traditions in music, cuisine, and art. They were part of the vibrant life in Moroccan cities, influencing the local culture while also preserving their own heritage.

Protection and Patronage: The Alaouite sultans often protected Jewish communities, offering them a degree of autonomy and safety, especially as tensions fluctuated in various periods. This relationship allowed Jewish families to thrive in certain regions.

Jewish families played a significant role in the socio-economic and cultural fabric of Morocco, particularly during the reign of the Alaouite dynasty.

Many Jewish families were patrons of synagogues and schools, which promoted Jewish education and the preservation of cultural practices. This helped maintain Jewish heritage in Morocco during times of difficulty. Jewish families fostered interfaith dialogue and coexistence in Morocco. Their relationships with Muslim neighbors and leaders sometimes helped mediate tensions and promote mutual respect. Jewish families often acted as intermediaries, facilitating communication and trade with foreign entities. Their connections with European powers could be beneficial for the sultans in terms of diplomacy and commerce. Many Jewish families displayed loyalty to the Alaouite sultans, which helped solidify their status within Moroccan society. This loyalty often resulted in protection for Jewish communities during times of unrest.

However, apart from the interlude of Moulay Lyazid, the situation of the Jews did not deviate from two constants. At the top, the interested benevolence of the sultans - both political leader and commander of the faithful - towards the Jewish communities, which played an essential economic role. At the base, there was a social, economic and cultural symbiosis despite the insurmountable religious divide and the segregation of the habitat. In short, a balance between the two communities, but a precarious, vulnerable and tenuous one. The European greed of a country jealous of its isolation was to sound the death knell. At every turn in history, the Jews were treated as scapegoats, and as such paid a heavy price. (115)

Overall, the interactions between Jewish communities and the Alawite dynasty illustrate a complex and mutually beneficial relationship that significantly shaped Morocco's historical landscape. Not to forget that the influence of Jewish families on the Alawite dynasty and Moroccan society was significant, reflecting a history of collaboration and coexistence within a diverse cultural landscape. The contributions of Jewish families to the Alaouite dynasty were multifaceted, impacting cultural, economic, and social spheres in Morocco. (116)

The history of Jews in Morocco includes periods where they held various roles in service to the Sultan. Notably, some Jews, such as tujjâr as-sultân (sultan’s merchants), were granted exceptional privileges and occupied key positions within the royal court, illustrating a complex relationship between the Jewish community and the Moroccan monarchy. The involvement of Jewish advisors and officials in governance and commerce has been documented throughout Moroccan history.

During the reign of Sultan Hassan I of Morocco, the Jewish community was significantly involved in various roles, often serving as advisors and in administrative capacities. The community maintained a close relationship with the monarchy, where Jews like the wealthy Jacob Ohana were notably protected and respected, exemplifying the generally cooperative dynamic between the Jewish population and the Moroccan state.

Jewish goldsmiths in Morocco have a rich history, contributing significantly to the country's craftsmanship and cultural heritage. Their work, particularly in jewelry making and ornamental arts, reflects a blend of Jewish traditions and Moroccan influences. Despite the decline of the Jewish population in Morocco, the legacy of these artisans continues to be an important aspect of Moroccan cultural history.

Despite facing periods of tension and persecution, the Jewish community's multifaceted contributions have left a lasting legacy in Moroccan history. The relationship has varied over time, with significant support from some rulers, particularly in the context of preserving the community during crises. Today, the Jewish heritage in Morocco is celebrated, and there are ongoing efforts to preserve it. (117)

In recent years, there have been efforts to preserve Jewish heritage sites, and Morocco has been recognized for its relatively tolerant attitude towards its Jewish population compared to other regions in the Arab world.

The story of Jews in Morocco is one of resilience and adaptation, reflecting broader historical currents in North Africa and the Mediterranean. Jewish communities thrived in Morocco due to a combination of historical, social, and economic factors. Jewish presence in Morocco dates back over two millennia, with significant migrations occurring during the Roman and later periods, particularly after the expulsion from Spain in 1492. This influx helped establish a firmly rooted Jewish community. Jews played crucial roles in trade, commerce, and craftsmanship. They were often involved in textiles, jewelry, and agricultural production, which allowed them to contribute significantly to the economy. Moroccan rulers often granted Jews a degree of autonomy, allowing them to manage their own communal affairs. They frequently served as advisors or courtiers to the sultans, providing them with protection.

Over the centuries, Moroccan Jews integrated into the local culture while maintaining their religious practices. This dual identity helped them navigate the complexities of Moroccan society. Jewish communities established vibrant cultural and religious life, including synagogues, schools, and charities. They celebrated their traditions, which strengthened their communal bonds. Despite facing periods of persecution and discrimination, Moroccan Jews demonstrated resilience. Many adapted to changing political landscapes, which contributed to their survival and continued prominence. After Morocco gained independence in 1956, many Jews emigrated, particularly to Israel and France. However, the remaining communities continue to thrive, reflecting a long legacy of Jewish history in Morocco. Overall, the interplay of historical circumstances, economic contributions, and social dynamics enabled Jewish communities to thrive in Morocco for centuries.

You can follow Professor Mohamed Chtatou on X: @Ayurinu

End notes:

1.  Zaafarani, Haim. (1999). Deux mille ans de vie juive au Maroc. Casablanca : Editions Eddif.
2.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2022). Amazigh Jews, who are They? Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/16062022-amazigh-jews-who-are-they-analysis/
3.  Rivet, Daniel. (2012). Histoire du Maroc de Moulay Idriss à Mohamed VI. Paris :Editions Fayard.
4.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2022). Jewish-Muslim Conviviality in Morocco. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/29122022-jewish-muslim-conviviality-in-morocco-analysis/ 
5.  El Gamrani, Rabii. (2021). The Jews of Morocco. A Journey Through a Community Become Diaspora. Reset Dialogues on Civilizations. Retrieved from https://www.resetdoc.org/story/the-jews-of-morocco-a-journey-through-a-community-become-diaspora/ 
6.  Corcos, D. (1964). The Jews of Morocco under the Marinides. The Jewish Quarterly Review, 54(4), 271-287.
7.  Kenbib, Mohammed. (2017). Études et recherches sur les Juifs du Maroc: Observations et réflexions générales. Hespéris-Tamuda, LI(2), 21-55. Retrieved from https://www.hesperis-tamuda.com/Downloads/2010-2019/2016/fascicule-2/2.pdf 
8.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2020). Aspects of the Judeo-Amazigh Cultural Substratum. Amazigh World News. Retrieved from https://amazighworldnews.com/aspects-of-the-judeo-amazigh-cultural-substratum-of-morocco/ 
9.  Schroeter, D. J., & Chetrit, J. (2003). Les rapports entre Juifs et Berbères en Afrique du Nord: aspects historiques et culturels: Exodes et enracinements. In La Méditerranée des Juifs: Exodes et enracinements (pp. 75-87). Paris : L’Harmattan.\
10.  The Judeo-Berber cultural substratum refers to the historical and cultural interactions between the Jewish communities and the Berber (Amazigh) people in North Africa, particularly Morocco. This relationship has significantly influenced Moroccan values, traditions, and cultural practices. However, studies suggest that there is no distinct Berber substratum identifiable in Jewish names from the Maghreb, indicating a complex interaction rather than a direct cultural lineage.
11.  Laskier, Michael M. (1983). The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Jewish Communities of Morocco 1862-1962. Albany: State University of New York Press.
12.  Haskala, derived from the Hebrew (השכלה) word for "reason" or "intellect," was a Jewish intellectual and cultural movement that emerged in Central Europe during the 18^th and 19^th centuries. It aimed at modernizing Jewish life by promoting education and rational thinking, encouraging Jews to adopt secular knowledge while modifying traditional customs.
13.  Abitbol, Michel. (2016). De la tradition à la modernité: les juifs du Maroc, Judaïsmes : parcours dans la modernité. Diasporas, 27, 22. Doi: https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.439 
14.  Kenbib, Mohamed. (2011). La politique indigène du général Lyautey et les juifs marocains (1912-1925). In Avon, D. et al. (Eds.), De l'Atlas à l'Orient musulman (pp. 63-84). Paris : Karthala, “Hommes et sociétés”.
15.  Marglin, J. M. (2014). Writing the History of Jews in Morocco: A Call to Arms. In M. Almoubaker & F. Pouillon (éds.), Pratiquer les sciences sociales au Maghreb (1). Rabat : Centre Jacques-Berque. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cjb.628 
16.  Deshen, S. (1984). Urban Jews in Sherifian Morocco. Middle Eastern Studies, 20(4), 212-223.
17.  Deshen, S. (1989). The Mellah Society: Jewish Community Life in Sherifian Morocco. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
18.  Rosen, L. (1972). Muslim-Jewish Relations in a Moroccan City. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 3(4), 435-449. Doi:10.1017/S0020743800025204  
19.  J. E. Budgett Meakin. (1892). The Jews of Morocco. The Jewish Quarterly Review, 4(3), 369-396. https://doi.org/10.2307/1450273 
20.  Goldenberg André. (2014). L’Art chez les Juifs du Maroc. Paris : Somogy.
21.  Al-Hassan Ibn-Mohammed Al-Wezaz Al-Fasi. (1896). The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Translated by John Pory and edited by Robert Brown. London: The Hakluyt Society.
22.  ElKoutbia, Souaad. (1992). Contribution of Jewish jewellers in the artisan jewellery of Morocco from the tenth to the first half of the twentieth century. Historical, socio-linguistical and symbolical study. Doctoral thesis, Paris 8.
23.  Srougo, Shai. (2014). Artisan dynamics in the age of colonialism: the social history of Moroccan Jewish goldsmiths in the inter-war period. European Review of History, 21(5), 671-690. https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2014.935999
24.  Becker, Cynthia. (2006). Amazigh arts in Morocco: women shaping Berber identity . Austin: University of Texas Press.
25.  Klagsbald, Victor. (1975). L'art cultuel juif au Maroc. Revue des études juives, 134(1), 145-151. Retrieved from https://www.persee.fr/doc/rjuiv_0484-8616_1975_num_134_1_1801 
26.  Srougo, Shai. (2014). Op. cit. 
27.  Rabaté, Marie-Rose; Rabaté, Jacques;  & Champault, Dominique. (1996). Bijoux du Maroc: du Haut Atlas à la vallée du Draa. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud/Casablanca : Le Fennec.
28.  ElKoutbia, Souaad. (1992). Op. cit.
29.  Becker, Cynthia. (2010). Deconstructing the history of Berber arts: tribalism, matriarchy and a primitive Neolithic past. In Hoffman, Katherine E.; Miller, Susan Gilson (eds.), Berbers and others: Beyond tribe and nation in the Maghrib (pp. 195-220). Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
30.  Rouach, David. (1989). Bijoux berbères au Maroc dans la tradition judéo-arabe. Courbevoie, Paris: ACR.
31.  Jean Besancenot, Jean. (2000). Costumes du Maro. Casablanca : La croisée des chemins / Aix-en-Provence : Edisud.
32.  Jewish goldsmithing in Morocco has a rich history. Jewish artisans, many of whom were skilled silversmiths or goldsmiths fleeing persecution from Spain in 1492, significantly influenced Moroccan jewelry and craftsmanship. Their expertise contributed to the unique styles and forms of Moroccan jewelry that emerged, showcasing a blend of cultural influences.
33.  The adornment of the Jewish people historically includes various decorative practices associated with religious texts and symbols, such as the Torah, which is often artistically decorated. Additionally, the Star of David serves as a prominent symbol of Judaism and Jewish identity, frequently used as a decorative motif and good luck charm in modern times.
34.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2023). The Mellah of Fez: Abode of Moroccan Jews and center of their activities. Sephardic Horizons, 13(1-2). Retrieved from https://www.sephardichorizons.org/Volume13/Issue1/Chtatou.html  
35.  Srougo, Shai. (2014). The Artisan Dynamics in the Age of Colonialism: The Social History of Moroccan Jewish Goldsmiths in the Inter War Period. European Review of Histor. 21(5), 671-690.
36.  Srougo, Shai. (2018). The Social History of Fez Jews in the Gold-Thread Craft between the Middle Ages and the French Colonialist Period (16th-20th centuries). Middle Eastern Studies. 54(6), 901-916.
37.  Sabar, S. (2019). The Preservation and Continuation of Sephardi Art in Morocco. European Judaism, 52(2), 59-81.
38.  Srougo, S. (2014). Op. cit.
39.  Srougo, S. (2018). Op. cit.
40.  Shai Srougo, Shai. (2014). Op. cit.
41.  Vogelsang-Eastwood, Gillian & Stone, C. (2016). Embroidery from Morocco. In Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood (ed.), Encyclopedia of Embroidery from the Arab World (pp. 188-209, esp. pp. 191-193). London: Bloomsbury Academic.
42.  In old Morocco, particularly in Fez, the production of gold thread, known as "sfîfa," was predominantly linked to traditional craftsmanship in textiles and embroidery. Fez is especially famous for its rich heritage in producing intricate gold embroidery, including items such as the "khrib" brocade made from silk and gold thread. Manufacturers of gold threads used in traditional designs have played a significant role in Morocco's textile history.\
43.  Srougo, S. (2018). Op. cit.
44.  Sánchez, J. L. S. (2017). The Sephardi Berberisca Dress, Tradition and Symbology. Datatèxtil, (37), 37-54.
45.  Stillman, Y. K. (1995). Costume as Cultural Statement: The Esthetics, Economics, and Politics of Islamic Dress. In The Jews of Medieval Islam (pp. 127-144). Leiden: Brill.
46.  Al-Omrani, Abdulghani. (2020). Jewish Trade Mediation between Morocco and the Netherlands in the Nineteenth Century: By way of documents in the National Archive, The Hague. Ostour,  VI(12). Retrieved from https://ostour.dohainstitute.org/ar/Issue012/Pages/Ostour-12-2020-alOmrani.pdf 
47.  Abitbol, Michel. (1994). Tug’ar al-sultan: ilit kalkalit yehudit be-Maroko. Jerusalem: Makhon Ben Tsevi.
48.  Maziane, L. (2003). Les juifs marocains sous les premiers sultans ‘alawites. In M. García-Arenal (ed.), Entre el Islam y Occidente (1–) (pp. 303-316). Madrid : Casa de Velázquez. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cvz.2924 . Retrieved from https://books.openedition.org/cvz/2924?lang=en García-Arenal, M. (ed.). (2003). Entre el Islam y Occidente (1–). Madrid : Casa de Velázquez. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cvz.2896 
49.  Zafrani, Haim. (1983). Mille ans de vie Juive au Maroc (pp. 151-153). Paris : Maisonneuve et Larose.
50.  La Véronne, Chantai de. (1974). Vie de Moulay Isma'il, roi de Fès et de Maroc, d'après Joseph de Leôn (1707-1728) (p. 3’). Paris: Geuthner. Joseph de Leôn, a Spanish soldier and interpreter at the Peflon de Vêlez, was a prisoner in Meknes from 1708 to 1728. He reported what he saw during his captivity and described the life and sixty-year reign of the mulatto Moulay Ismaïl, whom he knew well, being in charge of maintaining the palace's weapons. His account, preserved at the National Library in Madrid, is published here in its Spanish text, compared with other documents of the period and annotated with great care.
51.  Deshen, Shlomo. (1991). Les Gens du Mellah : La vie juive au Maroc à l'époque précoloniale (pp. 72-73 and 77). Paris : Albin Michell.
52.  Levy, Simon. (2001). Essais d’histoire et de civilisation judéo-marocaines (p. 108). Rabat: Centre Tarik Ibn Zyad
53.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2020). Sefrou: Moroccan City of Religious Symbiosis Between Islam and Judaism. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/28032020-sefrou-moroccan-city-of-religious-symbiosis-between-islam-and-judaism-analysis/
54.  Deshen, S. (1989). The mellah society: Jewish communal life in Sherifian Morocco. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
55.  Geertz, Clifford; Hildred Geertz & Lawrence Rosen. (1979). Meaning and order in Moroccan society. Three essays in cultural analysis, with a photographic essay by Paul Hyman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
56.  Ibid, p. 134.
57. Ibid
58.  Ibid. p. 171.
59.  Stillman, Norman A. (1973). The Sefrou Remenant.  Jewish Social Studies, 35(3-4), 256-8.
60.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2023). The History of the Jews of Sefrou. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/25012023-the-history-of-the-jews-of-sefrou-analysis/ 
61.  Holmberg, Eva Johanna. (2013). Jews of all Trades. Jews and Their Professions in Early Modern English Travel Writing. Journeys, 14(2), 27-49. Retrieved from file:///C:/Users/hp/Downloads/journeys-jy140203.pdf 
62.  Gottreich, Emily. (2020). Jewish Morocco. London: I.B. Tauris.
63.  Corcos, S. S. (2012). La communauté juive de Mogador-Essaouira. In F. Abécassis, K. Dirèche, & R. Aouad (éds.), La bienvenue et l’adieu | 3 (1). Centre Jacques-Berque. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cjb.182
64.  Abitbol, Michel. (2016). De la tradition à la modernité : les juifs du Maroc. Diasporas, 27.  Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/439 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.439 
65.  Boum, Aomar. (2013). Memories of Absence: How Muslims Remember Jews in Morocco. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press. Doi:10.1017/S0364009414000166  Aomar Boum's work delves into the historical and cultural narratives surrounding Moroccan Jews, focusing on how four generations of Moroccans remember the Jewish community. He examines the silence in the official Moroccan narrative about this group's presence, particularly during significant periods like the Vichy regime and the attitudes towards Jews held by the Sultan at the time.
66.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2022). Jewish-Muslim Conviviality in Morocco. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/29122022-jewish-muslim-conviviality-in-morocco-analysis/ 
67.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2018). Emigration of Jews of Morocco to Israel in 20th Century. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/05032018-emigration-of-jews-of-morocco-to-israel-in-20th-century-analysis/ 
68.  Chtatou, Mohamed. (2019). The Departure of Moroccan Jews to Israel Bitterly Regretted. Jewishwebsite. Retrieved from https://jewishwebsite.com/featured/the-departure-of-moroccan-jews-to-israel-bitterly-regretted/46551/ 
69.  Asssaraf, Robert. (2008). Juifs du Maroc à travers le monde : émigration et identité retrouvée (p 251). Paris : Editions Suger Press.
70.  Sijilmassa (Arabic: سجلماسة; Berber: ⵙⵉⵊⵉⵍⵎⴰⵙⴰ) was an important town founded in 757 A.D. (140 A.H.) in Morocco, which played an important role in trans-Saharan trade from the 8^th century onwards, and throughout the Middle Ages. It was located in the immediate vicinity of the present-day town of Rissani, south of Errachidia, 40 km north of the famous Merzouga dunes in the Tafilalet region. Today, only modest ruins remain of the city.
71.  Lightfoot, Dale R., & Miller, James A. (1996). Sijilmassa: The Rise and Fall of a Walled Oasis in Medieval Morocco. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 86(1), 78-101.
72.  Abitbol, M. (1981). Juifs maghrébins et commerce transsaharien du VIIIe au XVe siècles. Publications de la Société française d'histoire des outre-mers, 5(2), 561-577.
73.  Lessard, Jean-Michel. (1969). Sijilmassa : la ville et ses relations commerciales au XI^e siècle d'après El Bekri. Hespéris Tamuda, 10(1-2), 5-36.
74.  Iraqi, Ahmed. (2021). Rétrospective historique des relations entre le Maroc et l’Afrique subsaharienne : le rôle économique et religieux du commerce transsaharien. Le Bulletin d’Archéologie Marocaine, 26, 361-381. DOI:  https://doi.org/10.34874/IMIST.PRSM/bam-v26.33079. Retrieved from https://revues.imist.ma/index.php/BAM/article/view/33079/17089  
75.  Dunn, R. E. (1971). The Trade of Tafilalt: Commercial Change in Southeast Morocco on the Eve of the Protectorate. African Historical Studies, 4(2), 271-304. https://doi.org/10.2307/216418 
76.  Alaoui, Abdelaziz. (1999).L'Impact social du commerce transsaharien sur le Maroc médiéval: le cas des juifs. Institut de Recherche sur le Maghreb Contemporain, 18, 113-126.
77.  Bigon, Liora, & Langenthal, E. (2022). Tracing Trade and Settlement Infrastructures in the Judaic Material Culture of Tafilalt, Southeastern Morocco. Heritage, 5(4), 3785-3818. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage5040196 
78.  Passon, J., Hamid, S., Mughrabi, H., & Swifka, S. (2020). Traders, Nomades and Slaves. In: Braun, K., Passon, J. (eds) Across the Sahara. Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00145-2_3 
79.  A.-G.-P., Martin. (2010). Quatre siècles d’histoire Marocaine au Sahara de 1504 à 1902, au Maroc de 1894 à 1912. Rabat : Editions La Porte.
80.  Abitbol, M. (1980). Le Maroc et le commerce transsaharien du XVIIe au début du XIXe siècle. Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, 30, 5-19. Retrieved from https://www.persee.fr/doc/remmm_0035-1474_1980_num_30_1_1887 
81.  A. G. P., Martin. (1908). Les oasis sahariennes : (Gourara-Touat-Tidikelt). Paris : A. Challamel.
82.  The foggara is a traditional gravity irrigation system that utilizes a network of underground channels to capture and distribute groundwater for agricultural purposes, especially in oasis regions. This system extends horizontally below the surface, drawing water outwards to irrigate fields and palm trees, ensuring a sustainable supply of water to those who hold water rights.
83.  Oliel, J. (1994). Les Juifs au Sahara: le Touat au moyen âge. Paris : CNRS.
84.  Salem Idda, S., Bontén B., Kuper, M., & Mansour, H. (2021) Revealing the Foggara as a Living Irrigation System through an Institutional Analysis: Evidence from Oases in the Algerian Sahara. International Journal of the Commons, 15(1), 431-44. DOI: 10.5334/ijc.1128. Retrieved from https://thecommonsjournal.org/articles/10.5334/ijc.1128 
85.  Abitbol, Michel. (1979). Juifs maghrébins et commerce transsaharien (VIIIe- XVe siècles). Outre-Mers Revue d'histoire, 177-193. Retrieved from https://www.persee.fr/doc/outre_0300-9513_1979_num_66_242_2187   
86.  Schwarz, Leo W. (ed.). (1965). The Jewish Caravan Great Stories of Twenty-Five Centuries Revised & Enlarged Hardcover. New York City: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
87.  Nibley, Hugh. (1988). The Jews and the Caravan Trade. In An Approach to the Book of Mormon (pp. 59-70). Salt Lake City: Deseret Book; Provo, UT: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies.   
88.  Abitbol, M. (Ed.). (1982). Communautés Juives des marges Sahariennes du Maghreb. Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute.
89.  Schroeter, Daniel J. (2002). The Sultan’s Jew: Morocco and the Sephardi World. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
90.  Brachet, Julien. (2004). Le négoce caravanier au Sahara central : histoire, évolution des pratiques et enjeux chez les Touaregs Kel Aïr (Niger). Les Cahiers d’Outre-Mer, 226-227.  Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/com/512; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/com.512 
91.  García-Arenal, M., & Wiegers, G. (2003). A man of three worlds: Samuel Pallache, a Moroccan Jew in Catholic and Protestant Europe. Charles Village section of Baltimore, Maryland : JHU Press.
92.  Serfaty, Nicole S. (1999). Les courtisans juifs des sultans marocains Hommes politiques et hauts dignitaires XIIIe-XVIIIe siècles. Paris : Editions Bouchène.
93.  Schroeter, D. J. (2016). The Changing Landscape of Muslim-Jewish Relations in the Modern Middle East and North Africa. In S. R. Goldstein-Sabbah & H. L. M. den Berg (Eds.), Modernity, Minority, and the Public Sphere: Jews and Christians in the Middle East (pp. 39–68). Leiden: Brill. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctt1w8h27r.6 
94.  Corcos, D. (1964). Op. cit.
95.  Abu Shalouf, Nasim Zureik. (2023). The Political and Economic Reality of Moroccan Jews during the Marinid Era and Its Impact on the Status of Jews in the Arab Maghreb. International Journal of History and Cultural Studies (IJHCS), 9(2). DOI: https://doi.org/10.20431/2454-7654.0902001 . Retrieved from https://www.arcjournals.org/pdfs/ijhcs/v9-i2/1.pdf 
96.  Schroeter, D. J. (2002). Op. cit.
97. Ibid
98.  Rhorchi, Fatima. (2021). Court Jews and their role as dhimmis and influential agents of Moroccan sultans. In Zita Eva Rohr, & Jonathan W. Spangler (Eds.), Significant Others. Aspects of Deviance and Difference in Premodern Court Cultures. London: Routledge. Fatima Rhorchi's work discusses the role of court Jews in Morocco, highlighting their position as dhimmis and influential figures in the royal courts of the sultans. The chapter examines how these individuals navigated their identities and responsibilities within complex social hierarchies.
99. Ibid
100.  Al Maoula El Iraki, Aziz. (2003). Notables du Makhzen à l'épreuve de la "gouvernance" (Des) Elites locales, gestion urbaine et développement au Maroc. Paris : L’Harmattan.
101.  Asssaraf, Robert. (1997). Mohammed V et les Juifs du Maroc à l'époque de Vichy (pp. 19-64). Paris : Plon.  
102.  El Mansour, Mohamed. (1990). Morocco in the Reign of Mawlay Sulayman. Wisbech, Cambridgeshire: MENAS Press.
103.  The Alliance Israélite Universelle is a French organization founded in 1860 with the goal of promoting education and welfare among Jewish communities worldwide. It aimed to provide modern education and support to Jewish people, particularly in regions like Morocco, where it had a significant impact over two centuries. The organization also sought to spread the benefits of French civilization within the Jewish world.
104.  Kenbib, M. (2006). Les notabilités juives marocaines au xixe siècle. In A. Hénia (éd.), Être notable au Maghreb (1). Tunis : Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irmc.346 
105.  Hénia, A. (éd.). (2006). Être notable au Maghreb (1). Tunis : Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.irmc.312 
106.  Sebag-Serfaty, Nicole. (1998). Les courtisans juifs des sultans marocains : hommes politiques et hauts dignitaires de leur communauté d'appartenance. Doctoral thesis, Paris 8.
107.  Bensimon, Agnese. (1991). Hassan II et les Juifs : Histoire d'une émigration secrète. Paris: Seuil. In January 1961, the dramatic sinking off the coast of Morocco of an old ship loaded with forty-two Jewish emigrants bound for Israel drew - by stealth - attention to the activities in Morocco of a clandestine network set up by the Israeli Mossad. Subsequently, little precise information came to light about this vast secret operation launched as early as 1956, and designed to organize the departure to Israel of Moroccan Jews whose emigration was prevented or restricted by the Sherifian regime. Similarly, little was known outside Israel about the privileged relationship that soon developed between the Israeli special services and the King of Morocco. This relationship played an indisputable role in 1964, shortly before Mehdi Ben Barka was eliminated in France by General Oufkir's henchmen. A relationship that gradually led to a genuine collaboration in which everyone found something to their liking. Drawing its information from the best sources, and providing previously unpublished information on many points, this book retraces the whole adventure - and the occasional setbacks - of the mysterious Misgueret, a clandestine organization created by Israel in Morocco to defend the Jewish communities there and organize their departure for Israel. It sheds new light on some episodes - and not the least - of recent history.
108.  Moroccan Jewish ambassadors historically played significant roles in diplomacy, particularly between 1691 and 1827, when various envoys were appointed by Moroccan Sultans to locations such as London. The legacy of Moroccan Jews continues to be influential, demonstrating a longstanding narrative that connects Jewish communities in Morocco with those worldwide today.
109.  Schroeter, D. J. (2002). Op. cit.
110.  Sasson, Albert. (2007). Les couturiers du sultan - Itinéraire d'une famille juive marocaine. Rabat : Editions Marsam. "Les couturiers du sultan" is a book that tells the story of a Jewish Moroccan family, focusing on the journey of Abraham Sasson, who became the tailor to Sultan Hassan I starting in 1877. The narrative intertwines themes of culture, profession, and heritage in Morocco's historical context.
111.  Bahri, Farid. (2023). Le sultan Moulay Hassan. Une politique au défi de l'Occident. Casablanca : Editions Afrique Orient.
112. Miller, S. (1999) Dhimma reconsidered: Jews, taxes, and royal authority in nineteenth-century Tangier. In R. Bourquia and S. Miller (Eds.), In the shadow of the Sultan (pp. 103–126). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 
113.  Abitbol, M., & Assaraf, R. (Eds.). (1998). Perception et realités au Maroc: Relations Judéo-Musulmanes. Casablanca: CRJM.
114.  Corcos, D. (1964). Op. cit.
115.  Assaraf, Robert. (2005). Une certaine histoire des Juifs du Maroc. Paris : J.-C. Gawsewitch éditeur.
116.  DONATH, D., & דונת, ד. (1965). התפתחותה של יהדות מרוקו בימי משטר החסות הצרפתית / EVOLUTION DU JUDAISME MAROCAIN SOUS LE PROTECTORAT FRANCAIS. Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies / דברי הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות, ד, 91–94. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23528213 
117.  Ben-Layashi, S., & Maddy-Weitzman, B. (2018). Myth, history and realpolitik: Morocco and its Jewish community. In Sites of Jewish Memory (pp. 3-20). London : Routledge