Senegal’s first president believed his country needed a stable political system that could endure beyond his tenure, and he succeeded
Senegal is once again demonstrating peaceful transition of power – a rare thing in the turbulent West African region. When President Macky Sall had exhausted his permitted attempts to run for another consecutive term, the country was thrown into a period of intense competition. In the latest elections in March, young Bassirou Diomaye Faye assumed the role of president, while Amadou Ba, the candidate of the ruling coalition, peacefully conceded defeat.
These elections have clearly demonstrated the durability of the electoral system – the one that was established a half-century ago by the first president of Senegal, Leopold Sedar Senghor. He is regarded as one of the most significant figures in African political history. The leadership of Senghor, a poet, philosopher, and statesman, was marked by both intellectual brilliance and a deep commitment to the cultural and political empowerment of the country.
Born a sage
Senghor was born on October 9, 1906, in Joal, a small coastal town in Senegal. His early life was immersed in the traditional culture of the Serer people. According to a family legend, Senghor’s birth was marked by a natural phenomenon: a large baobab tree near the town cracked and tumbled to the ground. The Serer people associate powerful ancestral spirits with the most ancient of trees. Accordingly, the family myth claims that the spirit of the baobab chose to take up residence in a child who was destined for greatness.
In accordance with the tenets of family tradition, at the time of Sedar’s birth, his father posited that he would achieve greatness. He predicted that Sedar would become one of the most prominent figures in African history when two specific events occurred: when “giant birds” fly across the sky, carrying people on their backs; and when “a great snake” traverses the continent from west to east, carrying people. Indeed, he did.
It is noteworthy that Senegal is predominantly inhabited by the Wolof people, who adhere to Islam, whereas Senghor was a Christian from a relatively minor ethnic group. Senghor himself described his position in his hometown: “To be a Christian of Joal … is to have numerous privileges. It is to be noble … to be as free as the birds that fly along the riverbanks … it is the right to annoy and to be annoyed by no one.”
Afro-French identity
His mother arranged for him to attend a nearby Catholic mission and seminary with the intention of fulfilling his initial aspiration to become a teacher-priest. Sedar matriculated at the Libermann Seminary in Dakar. He pursued his studies for three years, during which time he prepared for the French entrance examinations with a particular focus on the works of Catholic philosophers. Senghor recalls that he was a royalist and aspired to become a priest. At the age of 20, he reached the conclusion that the priesthood was not the vocation he had initially sought.
Despite the paucity of French nationals in Joal under the influence of the colonial power, Senghor was able to absorb their culture. During his tenure at school, he came to view the French Revolution as an exemplar for all humanity and French culture as a legacy that he could also appreciate. In 1928, Senghor traveled to Paris to pursue further studies at the Lycee Louis-le-Grand and the Sorbonne. In 1932, he was granted French citizenship. While not denying his African heritage, he also actively embraced French identity. Later, he would self-identify as Afro-French.
Upon completion of his studies, Senghor rapidly ascended to a prominent position within the academic community. By the age of 30, he had already become the first African to be awarded the agrege qualification, the highest rank of qualified teacher in the French school system.
His professional achievements were temporarily disrupted by the devastation of World War II. Senghor was captured in 1940 and spent two years in Nazi concentration camps, during which time he composed some of his most accomplished poetry.
Following several terms of service in the French National Assembly as a representative of Senegal, Senghor returned to his homeland, where he ultimately assumed the role of Senegal’s first democratically elected president.
“Who is really the man of color?”
For Senghor, however, poetry has never constituted merely a side project; rather, it has represented a lifelong commitment. Even while engaged in his political career, he continued to compose poetry.
“Let the politician die, and the Poet live!” proclaims the chorus in Senghor’s poem ‘Chaka’, reflecting the author’s genuine dilemma.
The concepts conveyed through his verse were also discernible in his philosophical prose, as well as in his political ideology and the decisions he made, which shaped the character of modern Senegal.
Most Senghor’s poetic works are centered upon multiple significant themes, including the duality of African and European influences, as well as the spiritual and cultural dimensions of African identity.
Consider a simple but loud poem, ‘Dear White Brother’, in which he laughs at the paradigm by which racists operate. Senghor asks the reader: “Who is really the man of color?”
When you were born, you were pink,
When you grew up, you were white,
When you go in the sun, you are red,
When you are cold, you are blue,
When you are scared, you are green,
When you are sick, you are yellow,
When you die, you will be grey.
The literary contributions of the first president of Senegal were duly acknowledged; he became the first African writer to be bestowed with membership in the Academie Francaise (French Academy), the preeminent French council for matters pertaining to the French language.
Senghor’s writings played a significant role in the evolution of the French language, enhancing its linguistic landscape. Africans were changing the French language and culture, especially after independence. This process can still be observed today, with French people actively using Arabic expressions that came from the Maghreb, and listening to music by singers of African descent.
Meanwhile, Senghor’s rejection of the political and cultural hegemony of the French and his subsequent search for an alternative identity also gave rise to a political ideology that played a pivotal role in Senegal’s journey towards independence.
What is Negritude?
One of Senghor’s main philosophical conceptions was Negritude. It’s a cultural and political doctrine, with its foundation resting on the tenets of identity, self-value, and self-sufficiency ascribed to the Negroid race. Negritude became one of the key pillars of the African anticolonial movement, which was ideologically fueled by the ideas of great African philosophers.
Senghor wrote:
“It has often been said that the Negro is a man of nature. He lives traditionally off the land and with the land, in accordance with the cosmos. He is a sensualist, a being whose senses are exposed. He is without intermediary between subject and object; these are, for him, simultaneous. He is first of all sounds, odors, rhythms, forms, and colors; I mean that he istouch before he is sight, unlike the white European. He feels more than he sees: he feels himself.”
Senghor’s publication of 1948, ‘Anthologie de la Nouvelle Poesie Negre et Malgache en Langue Francaise’ (New Poetry of the Negro and Malagasy in French), functioned as a manifesto for the Negritude movement. He offered a critique of European culture, identifying it as excessively materialistic, individualistic, and rational. In contrast, African tradition is based on intuitive existence, a sense of unity with the world and nature, and communality. Moreover, many in the West have also questioned whether reason can lead to understanding. Senghor derived these concepts from the poetic works of French poets Rimbaud and Baudelaire.
Education and federation
Senghor’s creative and pragmatic nature was not the sole source of the apparent paradox; his political career was also marked by such contrasts. A founder of Negritude philosophy and proponent of federative development in Africa, he nevertheless held the view that Senegal should not sever its ties with its former metropolis.
As one of the most highly literate figures of his historical epoch, Senghor demonstrated a profound comprehension of the value of education. He thus came to understand that the most expedient route to national recovery in the wake of independence would be through investment in the competencies of Senegalese youth.
Senghor advocated for an expansion of the teaching corps, proposing the allocation of greater financial resources and improved salaries for teachers. He also called for the establishment of more scholarships and the creation of new educational institutions. Additionally, he proposed a restructuring of the colonial administration, suggesting that the responsibility for education should fall under the purview of the National Ministry of Education, rather than the Overseas Ministry.
A further method of ensuring protection from colonial pressure and greater autonomy was to establish a federation. Senghor postulated that the relatively weak and fragmented states of Africa lacked the capacity to withstand the influence of the metropoles. He therefore advocated for the formation of federations, which would enable these states to collectively advance their interests, share competencies, and promote the equitable distribution of resources. A robust federation may have possessed genuine bargaining leverage.
In 1959, the Mali Federation was established, comprising the Sudanese Republic (which subsequently became the Mali Republic) and Senegal. The name of the federation was selected to evoke pride in its pre-colonial history and to reference the ancient Mali Empire. The federal government was headed by Modibo Keita, a Malian leader.
In 1960, the territories gained independence from France, but the federation was not destined to endure for an extended period. It was not long before disagreements arose between Senghor and Keita. The Malian party perceived the objective of the federation as the establishment of a unified and centralized state structure. In contrast, the Senegalese side advocated for a decentralized and more flexible system, aligning it with their long-standing democratic traditions.
Keita’s coup attempt was unsuccessful, as Senegalese troops remained loyal to their own leader. Nevertheless, it destroyed the federation. In January 1961, Senghor was elected president of a newly independent Senegal.
Challenges of independence
Over the next 20 years of rule, Senegal underwent a significant transformation. Senghor’s political agenda encompassed the modernization of the country’s agricultural sector, the combating of corruption, and the enhancement of diplomatic relations with other African countries. Additionally, he espoused a form of socialism that was tailored to align with the specific socio-economic realities of the African continent. As a former academic, he was always forthcoming in addressing matters pertaining to education and was an ardent proponent of the Francophonie, the idea of creating an organization that would unite French-speaking countries.
As time progressed, his agenda became irrelevant and the Senegalese youth demanded reforms. The early 1970s was a period of social unrest and political protest. From a leader promoting democracy, he turned into an authoritarian ruler in the eyes of the public. As a shrewd politician, Senghor opted for changes.
For a considerable period, the president assumed the primary responsibility for governing the country due to an attempted coup in 1962 by Senghor’s principal aide, Prime Minister Mamadou Dia. However, after protests, the post of prime minister was reinstated, and Senghor selected Abdou Diouf, a promising 35-year-old technocrat. A cabinet reshuffle in 1973 also replaced 12 of the 20 ministers with younger politicians. All were under the age of 43.
In 1976, Senghor proposed new amendments to the constitution. As a result, he would have been able to remain in power indefinitely. The president could have resigned, thereby allowing the prime minister to assume the role of head of state. Senghor wanted to leave his post in Senegal, which now has a strong democracy. By this time, each opposition party had its own newspaper, as did Mamadou Dia.
Another of Senghor’s achievements is the soft inclusion of religious brotherhoods into politics. “Secularism made possible the liberation of religion from political control and protected religion from fossilization,”said Souleymane Bachir Diagne, a Senegalese philosopher. In contemporary Senegal, a compromise has emerged that assures modern politicians of the support of marabouts, particularly during elections. They serve as religious teachers in Qur’anic schools and are highly respected in the Muslim-dominated society. The endorsement of a political candidate by marabouts has the potential to impact the electoral outcome, explains Samantha Macfarlane in her research.
By the time he left politics, a new and promising elite had already emerged. It is no exaggeration to say that Senegal’s first president succeeded in cultivating generations of technocrats who continued his efforts and transformed the West African country into a sub-regional leader. The legacy of reform and balance between secularism and a highly religious society, which Senghor bequeathed to Senegal, is evident in the today’s democratic transfer of power and the stable conduct of elections. He has been successful in establishing a political system that provides a platform for not only veterans but also a younger generation.
Following his departure from Senegalese politics, he relocated to France, where he had maintained his citizenship all this time. Now that he was no longer encumbered by his political responsibilities, he devoted himself entirely to writing. In 1988, he published a memoir entitled ‘Ce que je crois: negritude, francite, et civilisation de l’universel” (That Which I Believe: Negritude, Frenchness, and Universal Civilization), in addition to a collection of poetry.
A life replete with paradoxes
On one hand, Senghor was deeply involved in the cultural and ideological development of Senegal, promoting Negritude and African socialism as guiding principles for the nation. On the other hand, he was criticized for being somewhat detached from the practical aspects of governance. His reliance on French advisers and his perceived aloofness from the day-to-day management of the country’s affairs drew criticism.
The establishment of a stable system for power transition was particularly significant in the context of post-colonial Africa, where many newly independent states struggled with political instability, coups, and authoritarianism. Senghor’s approach was different. He believed that, for Senegal to succeed, it needed a political system that could endure beyond his presidency. This belief was reflected in his decision to step down voluntarily in 1980, making him one of the few African leaders of his time to do so.
