‘Power belongs to the people’: New wave of protests in Tunisia as elections approach

The protests reflect widespread discontent with the authoritarian repression under President Kais Saied since his 2021 self-coup.

Originally published on Global Voices

Thousands of Tunisians took to the streets in the Tunisian capital and other parts of the country on Friday, to demand the restoration of democratic freedoms and the release of political prisoners and journalists. The protests come less than a month before the country is set to hold its third presidential election since the 2011 revolution. 

The protests reflect widespread discontent with the authoritarian repression under President Kais Saied since his 2021 self-coup when he dissolved parliament to rule by decree, in a move that undermined Tunisia’s hard won democratic institutions following the revolution.

The protests were called for by the recently announced Tunisian Network for Rights and Freedoms, a coalition of leftist parties and civil society associations in the country. Demonstrators raised slogans such as “no fear, no terror… power belongs to the people,” and called for the return of democracy and an end to state repression and intimidation tactics used against candidates in the upcoming presidential elections.

Tunisian journalist Wejdene Bouabdallah wrote on X: 

هايلة البلاد قمع واستبداد/ من اكثر الشعارات ترديدا اليوم / الان من شارع بورقيبة في #تونس pic.twitter.com/uCuGE3ocBh

— Wejdene Bouabdallah (@tounsiahourra) September 13, 2024

The country is amazing, full of repression and tyranny / One of the most repeated slogans today / Now from Bourguiba Street in #Tunis”

Contested elections

The protests were triggered by a series of escalating grievances, including the imprisonment of political figures and the restriction of press freedoms. Journalists and opposition figures have been targeted by Saied's government in recent months, a trend that has drawn widespread condemnation both domestically and internationally especially with the approaching presidential elections. 

The October 6 presidential election is shaping up to be one of the most contentious in Tunisia's post-revolutionary history. The High Elections Commission has only approved three candidates: the incumbent president, Kais Saied, Secretary-General of the People's Movement Zuhair Al-Maghzawi, and the head of the “Azimoun” movement, Al-Ayachi Zamal, who was arrested hours before the announcement of the approved candidates.  

The electoral commission's exclusion of three presidential candidates, despite a court ruling in their favor, has further inflamed tensions.

On September 2, Tunisia’s High Elections Commission refused to implement the decisions of the Administrative Court, the country's highest judicial authority ordering that three disqualified presidential candidates — Mondher Al-Zanaidi, Abdel Latif Al-Makki, and Imad Al-Daimi — be reinstated in the upcoming election. The commission's refusal to comply has been seen as an alarming sign of Saied's increasing control over the electoral process.

On September 6, Journalist Zied El Hani announced in a Facebook post that he and former judge Ahmed Sawab filed three lawsuits against the commission in their capacity as citizen voters for denying voters their constitutional right to freely choose their leaders.

In a state governed by law and institutions, together with my friend and companion, Sayed Ahmed Sawab, as voting citizens, we filed three lawsuits against the [Farouk] Bouaskar Authority [the chairman of the High Elections Commission]. This morning, Friday, we submitted a criminal complaint to the Office of the Public Prosecutor, requesting legal action against all members of the authority for:

“Violating Articles 2 of the Law on Reporting Corruption and 315 of the Penal Code, which could raise suspicions of potentially rigging the presidential elections scheduled for October 6, 2024, and engaging in a plot to alter the state’s institutions according to the provisions of Article 72 of the Penal Code.”

Unfortunately, the file was accepted without us being provided with a registration number, despite being exceptionally directed to the office of the Deputy Public Prosecutor. The same thing happened when we filed the previous complaint against the Bouaskar Authority after it dared to threaten our colleagues Asia Al-Atrous and Kawthar Zantour, as well as “Mosaïque” radio.

We also filed a primary lawsuit in the Administrative Court to annul the Bouaskar Authority’s decision to approve only three candidates for the presidential elections, out of the six candidates legally eligible. This decision represents a violation of our constitutional right as voters to freely choose.

Additionally, we filed a second lawsuit to suspend the execution of the decision during the review of the primary case, given the severe risks it poses to the country’s security and stability, in our assessment, and the catastrophic consequences that cannot be rectified, such as canceling the elections after taxpayer money has been spent on them, and the frustration of already tired and struggling citizens.

Tunisia’s struggle for democracy

The current wave of protests is part of a broader struggle that began in 2011 when Tunisians took to the streets to overthrow the autocratic regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The revolution was a catalyst for a series of pro-democracy uprisings across the region. Tunisia initially stood out as the only country to successfully transition to democracy, with the adoption of a new constitution in 2014 and free elections in subsequent years.

However, the political landscape has been fraught with challenges. Tunisia has experienced multiple waves of protests in the years since, driven by dissatisfaction with economic stagnation, corruption, and political instability. In 2019, Kais Saied, a constitutional law professor with no prior political experience, was elected president in a landslide victory. His campaign was built on promises to tackle corruption and restore trust in government institutions. Yet, his actions since 2021 have seen a severe backtracking into authoritarian rule in the country.

Comparisons of the Friday demonstrations to the early demonstrations that sparked the 2011 revolution appeared on social media, inspiring many Egyptians as well to make the connections to the Tunsian revolution that inspired their own that year.

ثورة 14 جانفي بدأت بإنتحار محمد البوعزيزي ثم إحتجاجات من سيدي بوزيد القصرين ثم إنتقلت إلى باقي ولايات الجمهورية التونسية ثم إزداد الزخم ثم الصدام مع البوليس ثم إلتحق بالمظاهرات جيش الأحياء الشعبية ثم إختل توازن الأمن.
اليوم بدأ الشارع يتحرك و على قيس سعيد أن يستعد للمفاجأة pic.twitter.com/NvjhY76Hsn

— درة السيد (@DorraEssayed) September 13, 2024

The revolution of January 14 started with the suicide of Mohamed Bouazizi, followed by protests that began in Sidi Bouzid and Kasserine, then spread to the rest of Tunisia’s governorates. The momentum grew, leading to clashes with the police. The residents of the popular neighborhoods joined the demonstrations, which eventually destabilized the security forces.
Today, the streets are beginning to move again, and Kais Saied must prepare for the surprise.

The protests, while significant, face a daunting challenge in effecting meaningful change. Saied’s government has shown little willingness to engage with opposition demands. On Sunday, while announcing his electoral program, the president referred to the demonstrators as “rabid, paid mouthpieces who are shedding false tears over democracy.”

The next weeks will be crucial for Tunisia’s democratic future. If the elections proceed without significant reform or oversight, it could signal the entrenchment of a new authoritarian regime. However, whatever the outcome, the battle for freedom, justice and democracy in Tunisia is far from over.

Written by Walid El Houri