Under Rama, Albania Is Failing On Almost Every Score – OpEd

Albania has benefited heavily from funds to fight graft and strengthen democracy, yet all it has to show from more than a decade of rule by Edi Rama are high-rise apartment blocks and an exodus of young Albanians.

By Fron Nahzi

In per capita terms, Albania has received more international assistance to fight corruption, develop independent civil society and media and strengthen good governance than any other country in Central and Eastern Europe. Yet the results in all three sectors are shockingly weak.

At first glance, Albania looks like it is developing fast, with major investment in construction, infrastructure and tourism. Scratch the surface, however, and one finds many characteristics of an authoritarian state.

Albania suffers from state capture, weak civil society, politicised media, a fragile judiciary and a broken opposition more committed to shielding its leaders – Sali Berisha and Ilir Meta – from prosecution than offering a serious alternative to the ruling Socialists.

Prime Minister Edi Rama, known for his love of the spotlight and a dress sense that mixes Matrix and Muammar Gaddafi, wields absolute power.

Prime minister since 2013, Rama is widely expected to win a fourth successive term in 2025.

His agreement this year with Italy, by which Albania will host a holding centre for migrants and refugees arriving in Italy, as well as his enthusiasm for regional cooperation have won him admirers in international circles.

But while he might be applauded by the international community, Rama is disliked by many of his own people – 49 per cent according to one poll in 2023.

Economic malaise and a lack of democratic governance have seen many young Albanians vote with their feet: 700,000 have left for Western Europe since 2008, according to Eurostat data.

They seek jobs, stability and a brighter future, driven away by a lack of opportunities and a stifling political climate.

The World Bank reports that 27 per cent of Albania’s youth are unemployed and 25 per cent are neither in education or employment nor training.

While the World Bank has urged increased investment in human capital, Rama has prioritised short-term, high-impact construction projects in the capital, Tirana. These projects are visible to all and financially profitable for some, but they do not benefit Albania’s population or society as a whole.

In aJuly reporton the investment climate in Albania, the US State Department described corruption as “systemic” prior to a sweeping overhaul of the judicial system under Rama in 2016. But allegations of corruption in government procurement remain “common”, it said, citing investors who have reported “cases of government corruption delaying and preventing investments in Albania”.

Over the past two years, several high-profile figures from Rama’s inner circle have been charged with corruption, notably in the case of the construction and operation of a waste incinerator in Tirana worth $100 million.

A former deputy prime minister who was involved has fled and sought asylum in Switzerland, while the Socialist mayor of Tirana has been questioned and several of his staff linked to the case have also skipped the country. The mayor, Erion Veliaj, has denied any wrongdoing.

The incinerator has not been built and taxpayers have been left with a bill of $24 million per year to a private company which disposes of the city’s waste in a landfill.

Rama, as head of the Agency for the Development of Territories, signed off on the incinerator project but has distanced itself from the scandal, saying it concerns the actions of individuals, not his government.

The one bright spot seems to be the US-supported Special Anti-Corruption Structure, or SPAK.

Since its inception in 2019, SPAK has indicted hundreds of business leaders as well as former and current government officials. A number of notable figures have fled the country, while others are in prison or under house arrest awaiting trial. At this rate, some Albanians joke, there won’t be any politicians left to run the country.

How far SPAK will go remains very much in doubt.

Rama enjoys strong international support and lacks any credible challenger. No evidence has emerged that might incriminate him in kickbacks or tie him to the offshore accounts so often involved in concessions and construction projects. But the prime minister has faced allegations of using public tenders to reward friends and punish enemies.

SPAK, meanwhile, has been criticised its focus on corruption after a transaction has been completed, neglecting the fact that the process leading up to these transactions is often equally, if not more, corrupt. This selective approach undermines the effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts, as it fails to address the root causes and mechanisms of corruption within the system.

In the coming years, Albania is set to receive billion-dollar investments from the United Arab Emirates and Jared Kushner, son-in-law of former US President and current Republican candidate Donald Trump.

The UAE plans to invest $2 billion in transforming the Port of Durres on the Adriatic Sea to accommodate tourists and yachts. Kushner intends to invest $1 billion to turn Sazan Island, a former military base, into a luxury eco-resort under the prestigious Aman brand. These projects will be the biggest investments in Albania ever.

As both the European Union and the US have repeatedly noted over the past 30 years, to truly combat corruption it is crucial to ensure transparency and accountability throughout the entire process, from the awarding of contracts to final execution. Such an approach helps prevent the manipulation of state resources for personal or political gain, thereby promoting a fairer and more just system of governance. To date, Albania has fallen short.

Given the significant inflow of funds from these investments, the US might consider promoting a SPAK equivalent to oversee the soliciting and awarding of the government contracts and concessions. This would help ensure wealth is distributed more equitably rather than being concentrated among a select circle of Rama associates.

Such a measure could pave the way for alternative political parties, providing much-needed fresh voices. Otherwise, we risk continuously being distracted by Rama’s flamboyant attire and his tendency to put high-end apartment blocks ahead of pressing development needs.

• Fron Nahzi is the author of the forthcoming book entitled ‘Ethnic Interest Groups in US Foreign Policy: The Albanian American Movements’ (Routledge Press). 
• The opinions expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of BIRN.