Violence Continues to Plague Israeli Arab Communities

Medics found Khaled Ahmed Hussein’s black pickup truck wrapped around a tree in Deir Hanna in northern Israel; the front windows were shattered. Assailants shot and killed Hussein, the cousin of the town council chief, last week.

Hussein was the 124th Arab citizen of Israel to be murdered since the start of the year, putting 2024 on pace to be the bloodiest year on record for the country’s Arab communities. Hussein’s murder illustrates the checkered progress of a minority that comprises around 20 percent of Israel’s population.

Prior to Hamas’ October 7 massacre, Israeli Arabs were enduring a wave of internal violence. 2023 was by far the deadliest year for Israeli Arab communities, eclipsing the previous year’s record number of killings. The situation had gotten so bad that community leaders, normally reluctant to involve the state in internal matters, asked Israeli intelligence services to help.

Most of the killings have resulted from gang violence or intimidation. This violence is filling the vacuum left by Israel’s crackdown on Jewish crime families in the early 2000s. Even politicians and their families have increasingly become targets, possibly to intimidate them into giving criminals free rein. In a separate incident on the day of Hussein’s murder, an Israeli court indicted two cousins for murdering a security guard for Taybeh’s mayor back in April.

An inability to repay loansharking debts has led to many of these murders. In some cases, Israeli Arabs borrow from within their community out of distrust or disdain for the formal Israeli banking system. But Israeli banks can also be reluctant to meet the borrowing needs of Israeli Arabs, who often lack the collateral needed to secure loans. Relatedly, Israeli Arab communities tend to suffer from state neglect, inferior education, and high poverty rates. But internal factors, such as the breakdown of family structures and high indebtedness, have also led to this problem.

Hamas’ deadly October 7 rampage through southern Israel overshadowed the internal Arab violence. The terrorist group did not discriminate between Arabs and Jews. To Hamas, both were Israeli and therefore marked for death.

That dark day also witnessed rays of hope and humanity, as Israeli Arabs risked their lives to rescue their Jewish compatriots. For example, Hamas murdered medic Awad Darawshe as he treated wounded Israelis. Many Israeli Arabs are serving in the Israeli army, and some have even paid the ultimate price to defend the state.

An Israel Democracy Institute (IDI) poll published in November 2023 found that 70 percent of Israeli Arabs felt connected to the state, up from 48 percent before the war. And internal violence plummeted in the final two months of 2023.

But perhaps that was a blip. Some Israeli Arabs might have temporarily felt a sense of unity and loyalty. An increased police presence and Israeli security forces’ elevated alertness might have convinced crime families to lay low. But now the murders have resumed, and a March IDI poll found that Israeli Arab affiliation with the state reverted to its pre-war levels.

Progress for the Arab sector in Israel has been on a whiplash trajectory for years. In March 2015, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu used Arab high voter turnout as a political bogeyman. But in December, his government allocated billions of dollars to the Arab sector, ameliorating the “poverty and underdevelopment” that have contributed to the “acute crisis of violence and crime,” according to a leading non-profit focused on Israeli Arabs.

During Israel’s clash with Hamas in May 2021, some Arabs in mixed cities launched attacks on their Jewish neighbors. Weeks later, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid shattered the taboo on including Arabs in the governing coalition. The new approach bore fruit in October, when the Bennett-Lapid coalition allocated even more money to the Arab sector and launched a five-year plan to curb violence and crime in Israeli Arab communities.

However, at a time of heightened Israeli-Palestinian tensions, Benjamin Netanyahu tried to make the coalition’s inclusion of an Arab party a political liability. This, coupled with destabilizing moves by the Arab party, contributed to the government’s downfall. Netanyahu’s new government froze — but ultimately released — $50 million from the Bennett-Lapid plan. In a more symbolic development, on July 7, the Netanyahu government approved the establishment of Israel’s first museum of Arab culture.

But some Israeli Arab extremists have played a part in stunting their integration into Israeli society. In October, the Arab owner of a bike shop in Taybeh donated bikes to nearby Jewish kids affected by the Hamas attacks. A few days later, Israeli Arab extremists looted and torched his shop. And since October 7, such extremists have carried out numerous attacks on their Jewish countrymen, creating further distrust and tension among their respective communities.

Progress in Israeli Arab integration has often been two steps forward and one step back, and sometimes even one step forward and two steps back. With the post-October 7 moment of unity now in the rearview mirror, the state must work hard to gain the trust of its Arab citizens. But Israeli Arabs must also diligently secure their integration; integration is a two-way street. This is the only way Arabs and Jews can live securely in their shared country.

David May is a research manager and senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), where Noy Barel is a research intern. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy. Follow David on X @DavidSamuelMay. Follow FDD on X @FDD.

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